CHAPTER III -- FROM THE OXUS TO KHOTAN
SECTION III -- ON HSÜAN-TSANG'S ROUTE TO KASHGAR
After crossing, on May 27, the Wakhjir Pass, under difficulties which my personal narrative describes, I found myself on Chinese soil and at the head of that great Sarikol Valley with which my first journey had already rendered me familiar. As my route down to Tash-kurghan was necessarily the same as the one I followed in July, 1900, and as the early geography, history, and antiquities of Sarikol have already been fully discussed by me in Ancient Khotan, it will suffice here to supplement that account by the survey of two old sites which I was now for the first time able to visit in person. The record of the ancient local traditions relating to both these sites is due to Hsüan-tsang, who, on his return journey about the summer of A. D. 642, passed from Wakhan across the Great Pamir to the Taghdumbash Pamir and thus down to Tash-kurghan, the Sarikol capital.
The story of the first of the sites is told by the pilgrim in connexion with the origin of the royal family of Chieh-p`an-t`o or Sarikol. The king gives himself the title of Chih-na-t`i-p`o-ch`ǔ-tan-lo (Cina-deva-gotra), meaning the descendant of China and the sun-god. Formerly the country was a desert valley in the midst of the Ts`ung-ling Mountains. At this time the king of Po-la-szû (Persia) took a wife from the Han country (China). She had been met at this point by an escort on her progress, when the roads east and west were stopped by military operations. On this they placed the king's daughter on a solitary mountain peak, very high and dangerous, which could be approached only by ladders, up and down ; moreover they surrounded it with guards both day and night for protection. After three months the disturbances were quelled. Quiet being restored, they were about to resume their journey when the lady was found enceinte.' Thereupon the king's envoy held council with his companions how to meet the consequences of this disgrace. From an attendant he learned that a divine person, coming on horseback from the sun's disc, every day at noon visited the princess. Afraid of the punishment awaiting him on return to his own country, the envoy decided to seek safety by remaining and gaining time. He then established the princess as ruler of the country. In due time she bore a son of great beauty and miraculous powers, who became a powerful king and was claimed as ancestor by the royal family of Sarikol in Hsüan-tsang's time.
That this legend was widely spread and firmly rooted in popular belief is proved by the unmistakable trace of it surviving in local tradition to-day. Already in rgoo I had heard, but too late for a visit, of remains of ancient walls perched on precipitous cliffs opposite to the fortified post of Ghujak-bai where the Taghdumbash River makes its sharp bend to the north. To them clings a story known to Sarikolis and Kirghiz alike that King Naushirwan, an ancient Persian ruler, had once placed there his daughter for safety. This is held to account for the popular designation of the ruins, Kiz-kurghan, meaning in Turki ` the tower of the daughter (or princess)'. This story was plainly a genuine relic of the fuller tradition current in Hsüan-tsang's days, and I was therefore eager to use my march on May 30, from Payik down to Pisling, for a survey of the site and ruins where it is still localized.
But even before reaching them I was able to make a local observation of quasi-antiquarian interest ; for at the foot of the spur known as Koshun-kör, near a small natural grotto, where we crossed to the left bank of the river, some six miles below Payik Karaul, I came upon ground showing marked traces of old cultivation in the shape of terraced fields and irrigation channels (arik). Part of the old arable land here was said to have been reoccupied by Wakhi settlers in recent times, but again abandoned. Also on the opposite right bank a considerable area was declared by my local guides to bear signs of ancient cultivation. These proofs of earlier occupation, fully ten miles higher up the valley than Pisling and Dafdar, where cultivation at present commences, have a special interest with reference to the advantages offered by the Taghdumbash Pamir as a route for caravan traffic between Wakhan and Sarikoli.
About two miles below Koshun-kör the bold cliffs of Kiz-kurghan came in sight, almost facing the deserted post (karaul) of Ghujak-bai at the junction of the Taghdumbash and Khunjerab Rivers. The ruins proved to be situated on the extreme eastern end of a high and rugged spur which descends from the main Sarikol range in a south-easterly direction to the Taghdumbash River, exactly at the entrance of the narrow defile extending from Ghujak-bai to Dafdar (see Plate 3). The end of the spur, as we approached it from the south along the steeply cut river bank, presents itself as an almost isolated rock promontory falling away in nearly perpendicular cliffs on the south and east, with its top ridge rising some 70o feet above the river (Fig. 27). Our subsequent survey showed that equally unscalable rock walls protect it on the north and west towards the narrow and wildly twisting valley known as Kiz-kurghan Jilga. The only approach to this frowning rock fastness lies over a low and narrow neck connecting it with the spur behind, and to this I climbed up with the Surveyor and Naik Ram Singh with considerable difficulty. The ascent led first up steep talus slopes and then through a still more precipitous couloir of rock débris. The young guide accompanying us had never ascended before, superstitious fears keeping Sarikolis in general from visits to the ruins. Plentiful pieces of ancient-looking juniper wood (archa) strewed the higher slope, and allowed me to guess the construction of the old walls of which I caught glimpses above us, long before the height was gained. After reaching the neck, only fifteen to twenty feet broad and some fifty to sixty yards long, we had still to clamber up a height of about a hundred and fifty feet over an equally narrow arêie, and then I found my antiquarian surmise verified ; for the old walls rising before us (Fig. 28), along what proved the south-west rim of the highest of the series of terraces forming the top of the promontory, showed, as expected, the curious structural peculiarity of twigs and brushwood embedded in regular layers between courses of sun-dried bricks. A massive tower-like bastion, some twenty-five feet square, barred approach from the neck and the narrow crest continuing it eastwards. We managed, however, to scramble over its ruined side and then to cross, not without some difficulty, along the top of the decayed wall, about sixty feet long, which connected this outwork with the main defences. We then stood on the line of walls which was meant to defend the rim above mentioned, and first got a sight of the natural terraces with which the hill-top sloped away northward.
The walls from near the point just described could be traced first running to the north-west for over a hundred feet and then, near a massive corner bastion of which the summit measured about fifteen feet square (seen in Fig. 28), taking a turn to the north. For about a hundred and ninety feet on this alignment following the rocky crest the walls were clearly traceable, whether in their superstructure of sun-dried bricks or in foundations of large rough stones. For about a hundred and forty feet further north remains of walls were visible here and there by the precipitous edge, and where they ceased sheer natural rock walls took their place rendering all fortification unnecessary. Rising still to over twenty feet where in fair preservation, elsewhere decayed almost to their foundation, these walls had once completely protected that portion of the isolated hill-top facing westwards on which alone an attack could be attempted. But even on this side, excepting the narrow neck we had followed, the slopes were far too steep to be climbed by armed men in any numbers. Everywhere else sheer walls of rock descending for hundreds of feet formed unscalable natural defences. From the south-west rim the top of the hill sloped to the north and north-east in a series of terraces which, where they grew broader near the northern end of the line of walls, must have afforded ample space for structures of shelter. But these, having probably been built of rough stones, could be traced only in heaps of rubble in the position which the rapidly executed plan shows. At a point about twenty yards from the northernmost point of the walls the site of a tank, about thirty feet in diameter and closed northward by a thick stone wall, could be clearly made out. A second reservoir was recognizable towards the north rim of the sloping area.
The solid construction of the bastioned walls would alone have sufficed to prove a great antiquity for the site. Without this solidity the walls could not have retained a footing on such steep and difficult ground. They showed an average thickness of sixteen feet at the base near the corner bastion, and, apart from large rough slabs used in the foundations, consisted of remarkably regular and closely laid brickwork as seen in the photograph (Fig. 28). The bricks, sun-dried but solid enough, measured on the average fifteen by twelve inches, with a thickness of about five inches. Neither the material, a fine clay plentifully mixed with small pebbles, nor yet adequate water for making them, could have been obtained on the spot, and their transport to this height must have greatly increased the trouble of construction. Both here and at Kansir the conjecture suggested itself that the insertion of thin layers of twigs and brushwood (here from the juniper growth which is still to be met with in some of the neighbouring side-valleys) was primarily intended as a substitute for an adequate supply of wet plaster to set the bricks ; want of water at such an inaccessible height must have rendered this very difficult to prepare. This opinion has been greatly strengthened by the observations subsequently gathered along the ancient Chinese border wall in the desert west and north of Tun-huang, where the difficulties about the carriage of water for building purposes must have been equally great in most places, and where the same expedient was probably first resorted to as a regular constructive feature.
But whatever the origin of this method of strengthening the brickwork may be, I felt certain that the old mountain fastness was the same which Hstian-tsang had seen or heard of. The way in which he records the ancient legend then clinging to it leaves no doubt that it had become ruined long before his own time. The local tradition he had heard ascribed the stronghold to the Han times, the earliest period of Chinese influence in the Tarim Basin ; and it was no small satisfaction to me to see that here, at the very first point where I had touched again his Central Asian route, definite archaeological evidence on the spot confirmed afresh the trustworthiness of the great Chinese traveller. But striking,-too, was the evidence afforded by the ruins for the dryness of the climate which prevails in these mountains, and which alone could account for their survival in so exposed a position from so early a date. If Sarikol had ever in historical times enjoyed much heavier snow and rainfall than it now receives, these ancient walls, perched above precipitous slopes and at an elevation probably close on 13,000 feet above sea level, would have long ago disappeared.
Short as my stay at the site had to be under the conditions described in my personal narrative, it was quite sufficient to convince me of the exceptional natural strength of the position, amounting almost to impregnability in days which knew not gunpowder. Though overlooked by higher spurs both on the north and west, the terraces of the hill-top were quite beyond bowshot. In various ways the position, though much stronger, recalled that of Adh-i-Samûdh, the old hill stronghold I had examined in 1904 above the Kohat Valley on the North-west Frontier. The absence of all pottery débris suggested that, just as the latter site, Kiz-kurghan could have served only as a temporary refuge in case of danger, not as a place of permanent occupation. The great natural strength of the position impressed me more than ever when we had safely scrambled down over the slopes of rock and detritus on the south-west and resumed our march to Pisling in the failing light. The narrow track leading by the left bank of the river was completely commanded by the rock walls of Kizkurghan. These towered so sheer above it that some contrivance of ropes would have enabled the defenders to gain direct access to the river water, an important consideration of defence. Close investment of the fastness was impossible either from the river or the gloomy winding gorge of the Kiz-kurghan Jilga, which on the north and north-west forms a huge natural fosse with precipitous rock scarps on both sides hundreds of feet high.
Proceeding down the gradually widening defile of the Taghdumbash River I passed, some four miles below Kiz-kurghan, old terraced fields with traces of canals from the side-valley of Karajilga and reached the Sarikoli hamlet of Pisling, where present cultivation commences, after another five miles. Thence a long day's march of some forty miles brought me down on May 31 to Tashkurghân, the Sarikol `.capital' since ancient times. The route along the west side of the wide open valley was new to me and afforded interesting observations, recorded in my personal narrative, as to the extent of arable land here available and its steady resumption now proceeding under the conditions of security and growing population which prevail since incursions from Hunza ceased. Of remains of some modern antiquarian interest I have only to mention the presence of an old fort by the left river bank about one and a half miles below Pisling and a walled enclosure at Ak-tam, some five miles above Tâsh-kurghân.
The fort consists of an enclosure, about fifty-eight feet square inside, with walls built of rough boulders below and sun-dried bricks above. The size of the latter is about one by two feet, with a thickness of six inches. A fosse about thirty-eight feet wide on top and now five feet deep protected the north-west and south-west faces, the others being rendered difficult of access by steep slopes of conglomerate falling off towards the river. Though called ` old ' by the Pisling people, the little fort did not look to me of great antiquity, and the absence of layers of brushwood between the courses of bricks confirmed this impression. Nor was it different with the ruins of a walled enclosure, about sixty yards square and built in stamped clay, which I passed, after crossing a dreary waste of sand and gravel, at Ak-tam some five miles above Tash-kurghan. Some precarious cultivation resumed here by means of a new canal suggested that the Ak-tam ruin might be that of a Sarai marking the edge of the Tâsh-kurghan oasis as it existed in mediaeval or even more recent times. On the opposite bank of the wide river bed lie the fields of Bâzâr-dasht where in 1900 I had heard of scanty remains of houses manifestly occupied in the Muhammadan period. I may here also mention that when passing, some twenty-six miles above Tash-kurghân, the fertile meadow land of Ghan on the opposite side of the valley, I was told of the ruins of an ancient fort known as Taghasla existing on a high ridge rising east of Ghan. A local legend seems to cling to the place, but it was impossible to spare time for a visit.
On leaving Tâsh-kurghan on June 3, after a busy halt of two days, I chose for my onward move to Kashgar the caravan track which crosses the great spurs radiating from the Murtâgh-ata massif to the south and south-east. My choice was due partly to the hope of saving time on this the most direct route—and as my personal narrative shows, I actually succeeded in covering on it the distance of about 180 miles usually reckoned at ten marches, in six days—; but even more it was influenced by the wish to see with my own eyes the route which Hsüan-tsang must have followed when proceeding about A. D. 642 from Chieh-p`an-t`o (or Sarikol) to Chia-sha (or Kashgar). The pilgrim begins the account of this journey by remarking on an ancient hospice or punya.sâlâ which he reached after journeying from the capital of Chieh-p`an-t`o, i. e. the present Tâsh-kurghan, towards the north-east and marching for two hundred li (or two daily marches) across mountains and along precipices. The position of this religious foundation is described as ` a space comprising some hundred ch'ing (thousand Chinese acres), in the midst of the four mountains belonging to the eastern chain of the Ts`ung-ling Mountains '.
In this region, both during summer and winter, there fall down piles of snow ; the cold winds and icy storms rage. The ground, impregnated with salt, produces no crops, there are no trees, and nothing but some wretched herbs. Even at the time of the great heat the wind and snow continue. Scarcely have travellers entered this region when they find themselves surrounded by vapours and clouds. Merchant caravans, in coming and going, suffer severely in these difficult and dangerous spots.' According to an ` old story ' which Hsiian-tsang heard related, a great troop of merchants, with thousands of followers and camels, had once perished here by wind and snow. An Arhat of Chieh-p`an-t`o was believed to have subsequently collected all the precious objects left behind by the doomed caravan and to have constructed on the spot a house in which he accumulated ample stores, as well as to have made pious endowments in neighbouring territories for the benefit of travellers.
Taking into account the topographical indications furnished by the pilgrim's own route and the distance and bearing recorded, I had already arrived at the conclusion that the site of the hospice would have to be looked for on the Chichiklik Maidan. This is the plateau-like head of the Shindi Valley which the main route from Sarikol to Kashgar crosses at a distance of two marches from Tâsh-kurghân. The Chichiklik Maidân lies between two great mountain spurs radiating southward from the Murtagh-ata massif, and its position is such that it must be traversed by all travelling in this direction, by whichever of the several passes (Chichiklik, Yam-bulak, or Yangi-Dawan) they may surmount the second or eastern of those spurs. The importance of the Chichiklik Maidân as a natural halting-place and its high elevation seemed to point to it as a suitable place for such a hospice as 1-Isüan-tsang mentions. But it was only on my actual passage by this route that I was able to verify the conjectured location.
On June 4, the second day of my journey, a difficult ascent through the Shindi gorge brought me to the head of the valley (see Map, No. 3). It was curious to find at that height an almost level plain, about two and a half miles long from north to south and over a mile across, bordered all round by snowy ridges (Fig. 26), and to see with my own eyes how closely its appearance agreed with Hsiian-tsang's description of the site of this ancient hospice. Snowy ridges, rising apparently some 2,000-3,000 feet higher, enclosed it on all sides, except to the north-east where a broad gap marked the scarcely perceptible watershed towards the Tangi-tar Valley. My aneroid indicated for this plain an elevation of about 14,800 feet. Its appearance, as well as the accounts I heard from my experienced caravan-men and Sarikoli followers, was sufficiently convincing as to the losses which this desolate high plateau, exposed to the winds and snows, claims annually in animals and at times in men, too. Most of it was still under snow. But a low knoll near the centre of the plain was clear, and when, attracted by the sight:of a dilapidated Muhammadan tomb or ` Gumbaz ', I proceeded to examine the spot, I soon discovered there the foundations of a square enclosure, some thirty-five yards on each side, built of rough but solid stone walls about three feet thick and manifestly of early construction. The correct orientation of the lines of wall would agree well with a pre-Muhammadan origin. At the same time the decayed grave mounds I could trace inside, beside the Gumbaz already referred to, and the information gathered from the Sarikolis accompanying me left no doubt about the spot being now held sacred in Muhammadan eyes.
The Chichiklik plain, forbidding as it looks, must always, for the topographical reasons already indicated, have formed a regular halting-place, and the central position occupied in it by the ruined structure is exceptionally well adapted for the purposes of a storehouse or hospice such as Hsüan-tsang describes, intended to provide shelter and supplies for travellers from whichever of the several passes they may come. How much time has passed since those walls crumbled away to their foundations can now no longer be determined. But both archaeological and topographical indications seem to justify our recognizing in them the last remains of the ancient structure to which Hsüan-tsang's record refers. Throughout Chinese Turkestan graveyards are invariably attached to supposed ` Ziarats ' of saints. We may therefore safely look upon the graves now found within the enclosure, and the sanctity claimed for the ground, as a distinct trace left behind by the legend which in Hsüan-tsang's days ascribed the foundation of the hospice to the action of a holy man. But there was ocular evidence also of suitability of the spot for a hospice, in the shape of two huts erected under Chinese orders for travellers' shelter some two hundred yards away. Characteristically enough, though dating only since 1903, when Sarikol was raised to the dignity of a regular civil district, the huts looked already half-ruined.
In spite of the well-advanced spring and the favourable snow conditions provided by a heavy grey sky, it took us nearly five hours to struggle across the snow-beds of the Chichiklik plain and those of the very gently sloping valley eastwards down to the Kirghiz camp at Tar-bashi, about 3,000 feet lower. I could well realize the trials presented at other times by that bleak plateau, close on 15,000 feet above the sea, as I recalled the account left by Benedict Goëz, the brave Jesuit lay-brother, who traversed this route in 1603 on his journey from India in search of fabled Cathay. After crossing the Pamir he and the large ` Kafila of merchants to which he had attached himself for safety had at the hamlets of the ` province of Sarcil', i. e. Sarikol, ` halted two days to rest the horses. And then in two days more they reached the foot of the mountain called Ciecialilh (i. e. Chichiklik). It was covered deep with snow, and during the ascent many were frozen to death and our brother barely escaped, for they were altogether six days in the snow here. At last they reached Tanghetar (Tangi-tar), a place belonging to the Kingdom of Cascar (Kashgar). Here Isaac the Armenian fell off the bank of a great river into the water, and lay, as it were, dead for some eight hours till Benedict's exertions at last brought him to. In fifteen days more they reached the town of Iakonich (Yaka-arik), and the roads were so bad that six of our brother's horses died of fatigue. After five days more our Benedict going on by himself in advance reached the capital which is called Hiarchan (Yarkand), and sent back horses to help on his party with necessaries for his comrades. And so they also arrived not long after safe at the capital, with bag and baggage, in November of the same year 1603.
I have quoted the record left of this pious traveller's experiences in full, as it not only serves as a vivid commentary on the dread of the Chichiklik plateau as reflected in Hsüan-tsang's story, but helps also to fix exactly the locality of a curious incident related of his own passage in his biography. From the places mentioned in Goëz' notes it is certain that the route he followed was identical with the present main caravan track which descends from the Chichiklik plateau via Tar-bashi, and at Chihil-gumbaz, two marches further east, diverges from the route leading to Kashgar. Tangi-tar, meaning ` the narrow gorge ', which Goëz distinctly refers to, is the name borne by the deep-cut and very difficult defile through which the waters of the Tar-bashi Valley find their way down to their junction at Toile-bulung with the streams coming from the Yam-bulak, Yangi-dawan, and Tor-art Passes (see Map, No. 3). The route enters it about two miles below the Kirghiz grazing-grounds of Tar-bâshi, and for over two miles beyond lies in the stream bed itself between high frowning rock walls, which in places overhang (Fig. 29). Owing to the flood from the melting snows, which completely fills the gorge, the route through it becomes quite impracticable during the summer months when the passage from the Chichiklik is diverted to the Yangi-dawan or Yam-bulak Passes. An exceptionally late spring allowed me to pass by the Tangi-tar route on June 5 ; but even then the deep pools of tossing water and big slippery boulders to be constantly crossed between almost perpendicular cliffs of limestone made the passage very trying and in places dangerous for the baggage.
The conditions must have been much the same when Goëz' hard-tried caravan made its way down here in September or October of 1603. I could well understand on the spot the seriousness of the accident which here befell his faithful companion Isaac the Armenian. But there was for me the memory of an adventure far older and of a more famous traveller haunting this forbidding passage. Hsüan-tsang's biography relates how the ` Master of the Law ', while journeying from Chieh-p`an-t`o, or Tash-kurghân, towards the north-east, on the fifth day ` encountered a troop of robbers. The traders accompanying him were seized with fear and clambered up the sides of the mountains. Several elephants, obstinately pursued, fell into the water and perished. After the robbers had been passed, Hsüan-tsang slowly advanced with the traders, descended the heights to the east and, braving a rigorous cold, continued his journey amidst a thousand dangers. After having thus covered eight hundred li, he passed out of the Tsung-ling Mountains and arrived in the kingdom of Wu-sha.' Now the time occupied by the journey from Tash-kurghan to the point where the attack was encountered and the general description of the spot clearly point to some defile east of the Chichiklik, and there is certainly none offering the same natural facilities for such an exploit as the Tangi-tar gorge. As a competent observer has noted, ' a few determined men might in places defend it against an army '. The reference to the rigorous cold experienced on the onward journey is also significant. We know that the pilgrim crossed the Pamirs during the short summer, and spent fully twenty days in Sarikol. Hence he probably made his way over the Chichiklik and on towards Wu-sha and Kâshgar in the autumn. At that season none of the streams encountered on the route would be likely to hold sufficient water to prove dangerous to elephants excepting the Tangi-tar stream which, owing to the extremely confined nature of its rock-cut bed, retains deep pools of water even in the winter.
That the Tangi-tar gorge must have always been considered a portion of the route specially exposed to attacks is shown by the ruined watch-tower which rises at the lower end of the gorge where the latter joins the valley coming from the Yam-bulak and Yangi-dawan Passes further north. Its construction was attributed by my local informants to an ancestor of Ibrahim Beg, the headman of the Kirghiz grazing in the adjacent valleys. But of greater archaeological interest is the evidence I discovered of the early use of the Tangi-tar route at a very confined point of the gorge, about half a mile from its upper end (Fig. 29). There the rock walls on either side show a line of seven well-cut holes, about six inches deep and eight inches across, either square or circular, which were undoubtedly meant for the insertion of beams. A bridge or platform laid over these must have saved travellers and their animals the crossing of slippery and half-submerged boulders at a particularly awkward place. The work in these holes, chiselled out with much care and neatness, was, apparently, ancient.
In Ancient Kholan I have already fully explained the reasons which convince me that Hsüantsang's territory of Wu-sha, then subject to Sarikol, comprised both Yârkand and Yangi-Hisar, and that the route followed by the pilgrim after his passage of the Chichiklik plateau took him first to Yangi-H Isar and thence on to Chia-sha or Kashgar. On the rapid marches which carried me by June 8 to Kâshgar, by way of Ighiz-yâr and Yangi-Hisâr, and which will be found described in Chapter ix of my personal narrative, I may thus assume that throughout I followed my ' Chinese patron-saint's' track, even though this offered no scope for fresh antiquarian observations.
Photos:
25: VIEW FROM KANSIR FORT ACROSS OXUS VALLEY TOWARDS RANGE ABOVE SARHAD.
26: VIEW ACROSS CHICHIKLIK MAIDĀN TO SOUTH-WEST.
27: SPUR OF KIZ-KURGHĀN, ABOVE TĀGHDUMBĀSH RIVER, SEEN FROM SOUTH.
28: RUINED WALL AND BASTION OF KIZ-KURGHĀN, SEEN FROM SOUTH-WEST.
29: IN TANGI-TAR GORGE BELOW TAR-BĀSHI. Line of holes (i. p. 79) seen on left.
30: ROCK-CUT CELLAS AT ÖCH-MERWĀN.
31: CONGLOMERATE CLIFFS BELOW KOHMĀRĪ MAZĀR. Natural grottoes (i. p. 95) seen at foot on left.
32: GROTTO CUT ON ROCK FACE ABOVE KARA-KĀSH RIVER, OPPOSITE FAIZĀBĀD.
Below is from Google Translate: 以下是Google翻譯 - May not translated correctly.
第三章 - 從奧克斯到赫丹
第三節 - 關於HSANAN-TSANG通往喀什的路線
在5月27日穿越瓦赫吉爾山口之後，在我個人敘述所描述的困難中，我發現自己正在中國的土地上，以及在我第一次旅程已經讓我熟悉的那個偉大的薩里科爾山谷的頭部。由於我到Tash-kurghan的路線必然與我在7月跟隨的路線相同，I9oo，以及Sarikol的早期地理，歷史和古董已經在古代和田時被我充分討論過了，這裡就足夠了通過對我現在第一次親自拜訪的兩個舊站點的調查進行補充。與這兩個地點有關的古代當地傳統的記錄是由於他在公元642年夏季的返回旅程中從湖山穿過大帕米爾到塔格杜巴什帕米爾並由此到達塔什庫爾漢，Sarikol首府。
朝聖者講述了第一個遺址的故事, 與Chieh-p`an-t`o(朅盤陀)或Sarikol王室的起源有關。 國王給自己的稱號 Chih-na-t`i-p`o-ch`ǔ-tan-lo (至那提婆瞿呾羅 Cina-deva-gotra）, 即中國和太陽神的後裔。 以前該國是Ts'ung-ling山脈中的一個沙漠山谷。此時波斯王（P 'o-la-szǔ 波斯）從漢族（中國）娶了一位妻子。 在這裡她遇到來的護送人員，當時東西方道路被軍事行動阻止。在這上面，他們把公主安置在一個孤零零的山峰上，非常高而且危險，只能通過梯子上下走動;此外，他們晝夜用保護包圍它以保護。三個月後，騷亂被平息了。安靜的恢復，當女士被發現時，他們即將恢復旅程。'於是，國王的特使與他的同伴舉行了理事會，以便如何應付這種恥辱的後果。從服務員那裡，他了解到，每天中午都有一位來自太陽光盤騎馬的神聖人物參觀了公主。由於害怕回到自己的國家等待他的懲罰，特使決定通過留下時間尋找安全。然後他建立了公主作為國家的統治者。在適當的時候，她生下了一位美麗而神奇的兒子，他成為了一位強大的國王，並且在江's時代被Sarikol王室的祖先稱為祖先。
這個傳說廣泛傳播並深深植根於流行的信仰中，這一點可以通過今日在當地傳統中生存的明顯跡象來證明。我已經聽說過，但是來不及拜訪，遺留的古城牆的遺體棲息在Ghujak-bai的加固柱對面的懸崖峭壁上，在那裡Taghdumbash河向北急轉彎。對他們來說，一個古老的波斯統治者Naushirwan國王曾經為了安全而將他的女兒安置在那裡，這是Sarikolis和Kirghiz都知道的故事。這是為了說明廢墟的流行稱謂，即Kiz-kurghan，意思是Turki'女兒（或公主）的塔樓'。這個故事顯然是江孜時代充滿傳統潮流的真正遺跡，因此我急於在5月30日從Payik到Pisling參加一次關於遺跡和遺蹟的調查。
但即使在達到他們之前，我也能夠對當地的準古物種興趣進行本地觀察;在被稱為Koshun-kör的刺激腳下，靠近一個小天然石窟，我們穿過河流左岸，在Payik Karaul下方六英里的地方，我出現在地面，顯示出形狀上的舊耕作痕跡梯田和灌溉渠道（arik）。據說最近這裡的部分舊耕地據說已被瓦希定居者重新佔領，但又被放棄了。同樣在右岸的右岸，我的當地導遊宣布了一個相當大的區域，以顯示古老的耕種跡象。早些時候佔領的這些證據表明，比起目前開始耕種的Pisling和Dafdar高出10英里的高度，對Taghdumbash帕米爾作為Wakhan和Sarikoli之間的商隊運輸路線所提供的優勢有特別的興趣。
在Koshun-kör大約兩英里處，Kiz-kurghan大膽的懸崖就在眼前，幾乎面對著Taghdumbash和Khunjerab河交界處Ghujak-bai的荒蕪崗（karaul）。這座廢墟被證明位於一條高高崎嶇的馬刺的最東端，該馬刺從Sarikol主要區域向東南方向降落到Taghdumbash河，正好在從Ghujak-bai延伸到Dafdar的狹窄隘口入口處（見圖3）。當我們沿著陡峭的切割河岸從南邊接近時，刺骨的末端呈現為幾乎孤立的岩石岬角，在南部和東部的幾乎垂直的懸崖上掉下來，其頂部脊線升高了約70英尺河流（圖27）。我們隨後的調查顯示，同樣無法攀登的岩壁保護著它在北部和西部向著狹窄而又瘋狂扭曲的山谷Kiz-kurghan Jilga。
這種令人fr目結舌的堅固性的唯一辦法就在於將它與後面的馬刺連接起來的低矮而狹窄的脖子，為此我與驗船師和奈克拉姆辛格攀爬起來相當困難。上升首先導致了陡峭的距骨斜坡，然後通過了更加陡峭的岩石沙堡。陪同我們的年輕導游從未登上過，迷信的恐懼讓薩里科利斯一般不會去參觀廢墟。許多古老的杜松木（archa）散佈在較高的斜坡上，並且讓我猜測在我們獲得高度之前很長一段時間我在我們上方發現的舊牆的構造。到達脖子後，只有十五到二十英尺寬，五六十碼長，我們仍然要爬上一個一百五十英尺的高度，在一個同樣狹窄的圓環上，然後我發現我的古物猜測被證實;對於在我們面前升起的老牆壁（圖28），沿著構成海角頂部的一系列梯田中最高的西南邊緣，正如預期的那樣，顯示了嵌入樹枝和灌木叢的奇特結構特徵在曬乾磚之間的規則層。一個巨大的塔式堡壘，大約二十五英尺見方，從脖子上阻擋著進攻，而狹窄的嵴則向東延伸。然而，我們設法在廢墟的一邊爭搶，然後沿著腐朽的牆的頂部穿過，大約有六十英尺長，這與主要的防禦工事有關。然後，我們站在防守上述邊緣的牆壁上，首先看到了山頂向北傾斜的天然梯田。
從剛剛描述的點附近的牆壁可以首先追溯到西北方向超過一百英尺，然後在靠近一個大型角落堡壘附近，峰頂測量為大約十五平方英尺（見圖28），採取轉向北方。大約一百九十英尺在岩石頂峰之後的這條路線上，牆壁顯然是可追溯的，無論是在它們的曬乾磚的上層結構中還是在大型粗糙石塊的基礎上。大約一百四十英尺的城牆仍然可以看到這里和那裡的陡峭邊緣，在那裡他們停止了陡峭的天然岩壁取代他們的位置，使所有的設防不必要。仍然高達二十多英尺，在公平保存的地方，在其他地方幾乎衰落到它們的基礎上，這些牆壁曾經完全保護了孤立的山頂朝向西的那一部分，只有這樣才能嘗試攻擊。但即使在這邊，除了我們所遵循的狹窄脖子之外，這些斜坡非常陡峭，無法被任何數量的武裝人員爬上。在其他地方，綿延數百英尺的岩壁形成了無法抗拒的自然防禦。從西南邊緣開始，山頂由一系列梯田向北和東北傾斜，這些梯田在牆壁北端附近越來越寬的地方，必定為這裡的住房提供了充足的空間。但是，這些可能是由粗糙的石塊建成的，只能在快速執行的計劃所顯示的位置上堆砌成碎片。在離圍牆最北端大約二十碼的地方，可以清楚地看到一個直徑約三十英尺並由厚厚的石牆向北封閉的水池。第二個水庫在傾斜區域的北部邊緣可以識別。
只有堅實的基礎圍牆才能證明這個地方古老的古蹟。如果沒有這種可靠性，牆壁就不可能在如此陡峭和困難的地面上保持立足之地。他們在拐角堡壘附近的基地顯示出平均厚度為16英尺，並且除了在地基中使用的大型粗糙石板外，還包括如照片所示的非常規則和密集的磚砌結構（圖28）。這些磚塊經過太陽曬乾但足夠堅固，平均尺寸為十五英寸十二英寸，厚度約五英寸。這種材料，一種細小的粘土，充滿小石子，還沒有足夠的水來製作它們，可以在現場得到，而且它們運到這個高度必定會大大增加施工的麻煩。無論是在這裡還是在坎西爾，這個猜想都表明，插入薄薄的樹枝和灌木叢（這裡從一些鄰近的側谷仍需要滿足的檜樹生長中），主要是為了取代充足的供應濕石膏以設置磚塊;在這樣一個難以接近的高度想要水，必然使得這很難做好準備。隨後在屯黃西部和北部的沙漠中沿著中國古代邊牆收集的觀察結果大大加強了這一觀點，在這些地方，建築用水運輸的困難在大多數地方必定是同等重要的，同樣的權宜之計可能首先被作為常規的建設性特徵。
但是，無論這種加固磚砌方法的原因是什麼，我都確信古斯坦曾經看到或聽說過的古老的山峰堅固性是一樣的。他記錄這個古老傳說的方式使它堅持下去，毫無疑問，它早在他自己的時代之前就已經被毀滅了。他所聽到的地方傳統將漢堡的據點賦予了漢人，這是中國在塔里木盆地影響最早的時期;在這裡，當我再次觸及他的中亞路線的第一時刻，當然有確鑿的考古證據證實了這位偉大的中國旅行者的可靠性，這讓我非常滿意。但是，引人注目的是，這些廢墟為這些山區盛行的氣候乾燥提供了證據，只有這樣才能說明它們在如此早的日子如此暴露的位置上的生存。如果Sarikol在歷史上曾經享受過比現在更加沉重的降雪和降雨量，那麼這些古老的城牆，棲息在陡峭的斜坡之上，可能在海拔13,000英尺的高處，很久以前就會消失。
總之，我留在現場的時間必須符合我個人敘述中所述的條件，這足以讓我相信該職位具有出色的自然實力，幾乎可以在幾乎不知道火藥的日子裡堅持到底。雖然被北面和西面的高馬刺所忽略，但山頂的梯田遠遠超過了弓箭。這種立場雖然強大得多，但回顧了Adh-i-Samûdh--我1904年在西北邊境的科哈特山谷上面考察過的古老山丘據點。沒有所有的陶器都表明，正如後者的場地一樣，Kiz-kurghan本來只能在危險的情況下作為臨時避難所，而不是作為永久佔領的地方。當我們在西南部的岩石和碎石的斜坡上安全地爬過時，這個位置的巨大自然力量比以往任何時候都更加令我印象深刻，並在失敗的光線中恢復了我們向皮斯林的進軍。河左岸的狹窄的軌道完全由Kizkurghan的岩壁指揮。這些聳立在它之上，使得一些繩索的設計能夠使防御者能夠直接進入河水，這是防守的重要考慮因素。從Kiz-kurghan Jilga的河流或陰沉的蜿蜒峽谷，在北部和西北部形成了一個巨大的天然岩石，並在幾百英尺高的兩側都有陡峭的岩石陡崖，這種牢固的緊密投資是不可能的。
沿著逐漸擴大的塔格杜姆什河的窪地行進，我經過距離Kiz-kurghan四英里的地方，從卡拉吉爾加的山谷中出現了一些帶有運河痕蹟的老梯田，到達了現在正在開始耕種的Pisling的Sarikoli小村莊五英里。從那以後，長達四十英里的漫長的一天的行軍將我於五月三十一日帶到了自古以來的Sarikol'資本'Tashkurghân。沿著開闊的山谷西側的路線對我來說是新的，並且在我的個人敘述中提供了有趣的觀察，關於這裡可用的可耕地的範圍以及目前在安全和不斷增長的人口條件下穩定恢復的情況自從罕薩入侵停止以來一直佔上風。對於一些現代古代興趣的遺存，我只提到左岸河岸上有一座老堡壘，大約在皮斯林下方1.5英里處，還有一座圍繞著Tâsh-kurghân五英里處的阿克坦的圍牆。
堡壘由一個圍牆組成，內部大約五十八平方英尺，牆壁由下面粗糙的巨石和上面曬乾的磚塊構成。後者的尺寸大約是一兩英尺，厚度為六英寸。在頂部約三十八英尺寬，現在五英尺深的保護層保護著西北和西南面，其他的礫石陡峭的斜坡難以進入河流。雖然被皮斯林人稱為“古老”，但這座小堡壘並沒有向我展示古代古蹟，磚之間沒有層層叢林，證實了這種印象。它也不同於一個圍牆六十碼的方形牆壁的廢墟，它是在一塊泥土上建造的，它是在塔什庫爾漢以上五英里處的阿克泰姆穿過一堆沉重的沙土和沙礫後經過的。通過一條新運河在這裡恢復了一些不穩定的種植，這表明阿克泰姆廢墟可能是標誌著塔代 - 庫爾漢綠洲的邊緣，因為它存在於中世紀或更近的時代。在寬闊河床的對岸，躺在Bâzâr-dasht的田野上，1900年我聽說過在穆罕默德時期明顯佔領的房屋很少。我也可以在這裡提到，當經過谷地對面加汗肥沃的草甸土地Tash-kurghân上方約26英里處時，我被告知被稱為Taghasla古堡的廢墟存在於高處Ghan東邊的山脊。當地的傳說似乎緊緊抓住了這個地方，但不可能抽出時間參觀。
在6月3日離開塔什庫爾漢，經過兩天的忙碌停頓之後，我選擇了前往喀什的大篷車賽道，該大馬路賽道從Murtâgh-ata地塊的南部和東南部穿過大馬刺。我的選擇部分是因為希望在這條最直接的路線上節省時間 - 正如我個人的敘述所顯示的那樣，我實際上成功地覆蓋了通常在六天的十次遊行中估計約180英里的距離;但更多的是受到我希望親眼看到Hsüan-tsang在從Chieh-p`an-t`o（或Sarikol）到Chia-sha（或喀什） ）。朝聖者通過評論他從Chieh-p`an-t'o的首都出發後到達的一個古老的臨終關懷或punya.sâlâ開始了這個旅程的敘述。即現在的Tâsh-kurghan，向東北方向行進，並在山間和懸崖上行進200裡（或每日兩次）。這個宗教基金會的地位被描述為“在Ts'ung-ling山脈的東部鍊子的四座山脈中包含一百個千（千畝）的空間。
在這個地區，無論在夏季還是在冬季，都會有一堆積雪倒下。冷風和冰冷的暴風雨。浸漬鹽的地面不生作物，沒有樹木，只有一些可憐的草藥。即使在炎熱的時候，風和雪也會繼續。當旅客發現自己被蒸氣和雲層包圍時，他們幾乎沒有進入這個地區。商業大篷車來來往往在這些困難和危險的地方受到嚴重影響。據曾三仙聽說的一個“老故事”，一大群商人，有數千名追隨者和駱駝，曾經在這裡被風雪消滅。據認為，Chieh-p`an-t`o的羅漢後來收集了被注定的大篷車留下的所有貴重物品，並在當地建造了一座他積累了充足商店的房屋，並且製造了為了旅行者的利益，在鄰近地區虔誠的捐贈。
考慮到朝聖者自己的路線提供的地形指示以及記錄的距離和方位，我已經得出了必須在Chichiklik Maidan尋找臨終關懷地點的結論。這是新地山谷的高原般的頭部，從Sarikol到喀什的主要路線在Tâsh-kurghân的兩個遊行區間穿過。 ChichiklikMaidân位於從Murtagh-ata山嚮南輻射的兩座大山刺之間，其位置必須由所有沿這個方向行進的地方通過幾次通過（Chichiklik，Yam-bulak或Yangi他們可以超越這些馬刺的第二或東部。 ChichiklikMaidân作為一個自然停歇的地方和高海拔地區的重要性似乎指向它作為1-Isüan-tsang提及的臨終關懷的適宜場所。但是，只有通過這條路線的實際通道，我才能夠驗證猜想的位置。
6月4日，我旅程的第二天，通過新迪峽谷的艱難攀登將我帶到了山谷（見地圖3號）。在這個高度上發現一個幾乎平坦的平原，從南到南大約一英里長，跨越一英里，四周被雪嶺所圍繞（圖26），並親眼看到它的外觀與西安倉對這個古老的臨終關懷遺址的描述是一致的。白雪皚皚的山脊明顯高出約2000-3000英尺，四面圍繞著它，除了向東北方向延伸的地方，那裡有一個寬廣的縫隙，標誌著幾乎看不到Tangi-tar山谷的分水嶺。我的無液體顯示這個平原海拔約14,800英尺。它的出現以及我從經驗豐富的大篷車男子和薩里科利追隨者那裡聽到的消息足以讓人信服，這個荒涼的高原暴露在風和雪下的損失，每年在動物和有時在男人身上的索賠，太。大部分仍在下雪。但是在平原中心附近的一個小山丘是清澈的，當被視線所吸引時：一個破舊的穆罕默德墓或者古巴茲，我開始檢查這個地方，我很快就發現了一個方形圍牆的基礎，一些三面五十碼，由粗糙堅實的石牆構成，厚約三英尺，顯然是早期建築。牆壁線的正確方向與穆罕默德之前的起源相符。與此同時，在我已經提到的古巴茲旁邊可以追溯到裡面的腐爛的墳墓，從薩里科利斯陪伴我身邊收集到的信息毫無疑問地證明了穆罕默德眼中現在被神聖的地方。
Chichiklik平原，因為它看起來禁止，必須總是，因為已經表明的地形原因，已經形成了一個經常停頓的地方，被破壞的結構佔據的中心位置非常適合於倉庫或臨終關懷的目的如Hsüan-tsang所描述的，旨在為旅客提供他們可能來的幾個通行證的庇護所和用品。現在已經有多少時間過去了，現在已經不能確定。但考古學和地形學的跡像似乎證明我們認識到曾紫倉的記錄所指的古代建築的最後遺跡。整個中國土耳其斯坦墓地總是附屬於聖人的“齊亞拉特”。因此，我們可以安全地看到現在在封閉空間內發現的墳墓，以及為地面宣稱的神聖之處，這是一個傳說留下的鮮明痕跡，在Hs's時代，這個傳說在聖人的行動中將善終的基礎歸於其中。但也有證據表明，該地點適合安置臨終關懷，形式為兩個按照中國命令建造的兩個小屋，用於200碼外的旅行者住所。儘管從1903年開始約會，但Sarikol被提升到普通民用區的尊嚴，看起來已經一塌糊塗。
儘管春季氣候溫和，並且有一片厚厚的灰色天空提供了有利的降雪條件，但我們花了將近五個小時的時間在奇奇克利克平原的積雪和向東緩緩傾斜的山谷，直到柯爾克孜Tar-Bashi營地，低約3000英尺。我可以很好地認識到在海拔15,000英尺高的那個淒涼的高原時期，在其他時間的審判，我回想起本篤十六世在1603年從他的旅程中穿越這條路線的本篤十三世印度尋找傳說中的國泰。在穿過帕米爾之後，他和那個他為了安全而附屬於自己的商人的大卡菲拉在薩爾西爾省的小村莊里，即薩里科爾，停了兩天休息馬。然後再過兩天，他們到達了山腳Ciecialilh（即Chichiklik）。它被深雪覆蓋著，在上升的過程中，許多人被凍死，我們的兄弟幾乎沒有逃脫，因為他們在這里共有六天的雪。最後他們到達了屬於卡斯卡王國（喀什）的Tanghetar（Tangi-tar）。在這裡，亞述人艾薩克從一條大河的河岸上掉下來，躺在那裡，躺了八個小時，直到本篤的努力終於把他帶到了那裡。十五天后，他們到達伊科尼奇鎮（雅卡阿里克），道路十分糟糕，我們兄弟的六匹馬因疲勞而死亡。經過五天，我們的本尼迪克特先前自己進入了名為Hiarchan（Yarkand）的首都，並派遣馬匹為他的同伴們提供必需品。因此，他們也於1603年11月在首都帶著行李和包裹抵達不久。
我引用了這位虔誠的旅行者的經歷的全部記錄，因為它不僅僅是一個生動的評論，反映了玄's的故事中所反映的奇奇克里克高原的恐懼，而且還有助於確切地確定奇怪事件的發生地點與他自己的傳記有關。從Goëz的筆記中提到的地方可以肯定的是，他所遵循的路線與目前主要的大篷車軌道相同，該軌道從Chichiklik高原通過Tar-Bashi下行，在Chihil-gumbaz向東行駛兩次，從路線分岔導致喀什。 Tangi-tar，意思是Goëz明確提到的“狹窄的峽谷”，這個名字是由這個深深難懂的窪地所承載的，通過這個窪地，Tar-Bashi山谷的水域流向了它們在Toile-與來自陰布拉克，揚尼 - 達萬和Tor-art Passes的溪流相結合（見地圖3號）。這條路線進入它位於Tar-bâshi的Kirghiz放牧場下面約兩英里的地方，超過兩英里以外的地方躺在河床之間的高聳的岩壁之間，這些岩壁在懸空的地方（圖29）。由於來自融雪的洪水完全填滿了峽谷，在夏季，當Chichiklik的通道被轉移到Yangi-dawan或Yam-bulak通行證時，通過它的路線變得不切實際。特別晚的春天讓我在6月5日經過Tangi-tar路線;但即使如此，拋光水和大塊滑石的深潭也不斷在幾乎垂直的石灰石峭壁之間穿過，使得通道非常艱難，並且對行李造成危險。
當高茲的努力嘗試的大篷車在1603年的9月或10月下降到這裡時，情況一定是一樣的。我當場可以很好地理解事故的嚴重性，在這裡他的忠實伴侶艾薩克是亞美尼亞人。但是，對於我來說，一次冒險的記憶遠遠超過了一個更為著名的旅行者，而這個旅程正在阻止這段過境。 Hsüan-tsang的傳記講述了“法律大師”在第五天從Chieh-p`an-t'o或Tash-kurghân向東北方向旅行時遇到了一群強盜。伴隨著他的交易員被恐懼抓住，爬上山脈的兩側。幾個頑強追求的大象落入水中並消亡。劫匪逃走後，孫-緩慢地向商人走去，向東昇高，冒著嚴寒，繼續行程千里之外。這樣覆蓋了八百里之後，他從崇陵山中走了出來，到達了烏沙王國。現在，從塔什古爾汗到遭遇襲擊的地點所經過的時間以及該地點的一般描述都清楚地指向了奇奇克利克以東一些骯髒的地方，而且肯定沒有人提供這種利用的相同自然設施作為Tangi焦油峽谷。正如一位有能力的觀察員指出的那樣，“有幾個有決心的人可能會在某個地方為一個軍隊辯護”。在繼續旅程中所經歷的嚴重感冒的提及也很重要。我們知道那個朝聖者在短暫的夏天穿越了帕米爾，並且在Sarikol度過了整整二十天的時間。因此，他很可能在秋季在Chichiklik和Wu-sha和Kâshgar上方前進。在那個季節，在路線上遇到的溪流中除了Tangi焦油溪外，沒有任何一條河流可能會持有足夠的水以證明對大像有危險，由於岩石床的極端封閉性質，甚至可以保留深層的水池冬天時。
Tangi-tar峽谷一直被認為是特別暴露於襲擊路線的一部分，被廢棄的觀測塔顯示出來，該觀測塔位於峽谷的下端，後者連接來自陰布拉克的山谷和Yangi-dawan經過更遠的北部。我的當地知情人士把它的建設歸功於Kirghiz在相鄰山谷放牧的頭人Ibrahim Beg的祖先。但更大的考古興趣是我發現的早期使用Tangi-tar路線的一個證據，這條路線位於峽谷的一個非常狹窄的地點，距離其上端約半英里（圖29）。在那裡，兩邊的岩壁上有七條切割好的洞，大約六英寸深，八英寸寬，正方形或圓形，這無疑是為了插入橫梁。放置在這些地方的橋或平台必定能夠讓旅客及其動物在一個特別尷尬的地方渡過滑溜半沉沒的巨石。這些洞中的工作非常謹慎和整潔，顯然是古老的。
在古代的Kholan，我已經完全解釋了讓我相信的原因，Hsüantsang的受到Sarikol控制的Wu-sha地區包括Yârkand和Yangi-Hisar，並且Chichiklik高原經過朝聖者之後的路線他首先到揚尼H伊薩爾，然後再到嘉莎或喀什。在6月8日我通過我的個人敘述的第九章介紹過的伊吉斯和楊伊 - 赫薩爾之後，我在6月8日對卡加爾進行的快速遊行中，我可能會認為，在我跟隨我的'中國贊助人 - 聖人“的軌道，儘管這沒有提供新的古物觀察的空間。
照片: Above under English version.
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