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May 15, 2017

玄奘回國經帕米爾高原的路徑

我們此行新疆之旅只到了達卡拉庫里湖,再行90公里,就到達Tashkurgan(塔什庫爾干means石頭城)。
聽網上說, 到新疆千萬別來這裡,會「勾走」你的魂! 下面的材料和圖片來自互聯網。

玄奘在石頭城駐留了20多天,聽聞了“漢日天種”的建國傳說,並破天荒在文風簡潔的《大唐西域記》中,不惜筆墨花了400字記述了發生在公主堡的“八卦”故事。如果不是他喜聞八卦,真的無法解釋他竟會用一整章的篇幅講述一個傳說。公主堡在石頭城南邊60公里。

書裡(下面Post)寫道,古代一個中國公主遠嫁波斯,時遇兵亂,使臣只好將公主“置於孤峰,極危峻,梯崖而上”。 兵亂過後,要送公主回國,卻發現“女已有娠”。公主侍女告知使臣“勿相尤也,乃神會耳”,說是每天正中,有一天神與公主相會使其受孕。於是使臣便在石峰之上“築宮起館”,是為朅盤陀國,公主與天神生下的孩子被擁立為國王。

英國考古學家斯坦因(Marc Aurel Stein) 曾經分別於1900-1901年、1906-1908年、1913-1916年、1930-1931年進行了四次中亞考察,其考察的重點地區是中國的新疆和甘肅。 斯坦因拿著英譯本的《大唐西域記》,拿著地圖,一邊測繪一邊實地走過高原冰川,並且進行驗證。公主堡就是他發現的。 斯坦因提到玄奘講的漢公主嫁到P‘o-la-szǔ (Persia), Cina-deva-gotra(漢日天種)的傳說,聽到當地人傳說有一個Kiz-kurghan(克孜庫爾干,即女子堡), 他就親自爬上去。 斯坦因的Reports&Translation在下面Posts.

“帕”有另一種解釋, 意為兩山之間的河谷,帕米爾共分8個大帕。中國境內只有1.5帕,塔克敦巴什帕米爾是最東部的一個帕,全部在中國境內,另外還有郎庫裡帕米爾的半個帕。 下面大龍池是塔吉克和阿富汗邊界的Zorkul湖。

2013年復旦大學科考隊,精確復原了玄奘回國時,經帕米爾高原的路徑;
連接喀什到塔什庫爾干就是中巴公路(G314)—喀喇崑崙公路(KKH=Karakoram Highway, N35):

塔什庫爾干是一片千峰萬壑相隔的潔凈世界, 中國唯一白種人的聚居地, 石頭城位於城的東北方:

塔什庫爾干秋天的阿拉爾金草灘; 開車前往瓦恰鄉,路旁抱着羊羔的村民:

瓦恰鄉一個幾乎無人問津的村子,蒼涼也美麗:

在春天大同鄉杏花綻放:

All above are online pictures.
Below video extracted from 復旦大學中國歷史地理研究所2013年科考隊侯杨方: 从帕米尔到台湾 Talk given at NTNUAA 喀什到帕米爾高原:

玄奘回國經帕米爾高原的路徑: (click to see clearer maps)

May 13, 2017

玄奘東歸的歷史故事

玄奘當年出國時, 走絲綢之路北線, 繞道中亞,先向西,經今天吉爾吉斯坦、烏茲別克斯坦等國,再南下今天的阿富汗、巴基斯坦至印度,逆時針畫出一個兩萬多公里的右勾拳路線。 回國的時候,已過不惑之年的玄奘歸心似箭,選擇直接北上,翻過帕米爾高原進入塔里木盆地南緣,沿絲綢之路南道的莎車、于闐諸國東歸長安。

帕米爾(Pamirs)在當地話中意思是「山間谷地」,在眾多海拔六七千米的雪山群中,大小河流沖刷形成了許多海拔三四千米的平緩U型河谷,其中較大的8個谷地被稱為「8個帕米爾」。 這些自然通道也是突破高山阻隔的文明通道, 千百年來,商旅不斷探尋翻越雪山的埡口,沿著河谷前行,逐漸在群山間踏出一條條蜿蜒的通道。

玄奘隨商隊東歸, 經過達摩悉鐵帝國的都城昏馱多(今阿富汗漢杜德), 至噴赤河上游瓦罕河與帕米爾河交匯處, 沿帕米爾河谷東抵波謎羅川(今大帕米爾), 從「大龍池」(塔吉克斯坦與阿富汗的界湖)東南行, 翻越排依克山口, 進入今中國境內卡拉其古河谷, 過公主堡出河谷, 沿塔什庫爾干河向北走,最終抵達一個規模宏大, 雪域高原上的朅盤陁國石頭城(今塔什庫爾干縣)。

國王與玄奘相談甚歡,談起很久以前,古代波斯國王迎娶中國公主的隊伍路經此地,遇到戰亂,交通阻斷,便將公主安置在懸崖孤峰之上(今公主堡),下面警衛晝夜巡守。三個月後,戰亂平息,準備繼續啟程,卻發現公主懷孕了。護送的使臣查不出誰幹的。一個侍女出來解圍說,每天中午都有一個偉岸男子, 從太陽中騎馬而出私會公主。事已至此,大家乾脆擁立公主,就地築城建國。後公主誕下一男孩,長大後英明神武,其子孫延續至今。因其祖先母親為漢人,父親是「日天之種」,故自稱「漢日天種」。

他描述了朅盤陁的社會風貌與人文地理,雪山環抱,居民性格剽悍勇猛,但敬崇佛法。有意思的是,作為來自東土大唐的白凈帥哥,他覺得當地居民「容貌醜弊」。從常理講,塔吉克族的先民屬歐羅巴人種,高鼻深目,輪廓分明,很難和「醜」聯繫在一起。今天走在塔什庫爾干縣街頭,也隨處可見塔吉克族美女帥哥。

從朅盤陁玄奘東行, 城東南行三百餘里至大石崖, 東北行二百餘里至奔穰舍羅(福舍), 行八百餘里出蔥嶺,至烏鎩國(今莎車縣)。記載中的「奔穰舍羅」也有神奇的故事:這個河谷盆地在「四山之中,地方百餘頃」, 曾經有支萬人商隊在此遭遇風雪。朅盤陁國的大羅漢準備救人,結果趕到時,商隊已人畜全滅。於是他收集商隊留下的珍寶與貨物,買地興建房屋作為「福舍」,周濟行人商旅。

如果玄奘記錄沒錯,從地圖上推算,大石崖應當位於今天塔縣城東南的瓦恰鄉,綿延不斷的陡峭土崖, 恰好是該地鮮明的地貌特徵,符合「大石崖」之名。 對於「奔穰舍羅」的所在地,當地人認為唯有葉爾羌河谷中的大同鄉完全符合。大同鄉處在一塊如同世外桃源的盆地中,素有「小江南」「世外桃源—杏花村」的美譽。經過「奔穰舍羅」後,玄奘向東跨過葉爾羌河,「登危嶺,越洞谷,溪徑險阻,風雪相繼,行八百餘里」,最終走出蔥嶺,抵達葉爾羌河下游的莎車綠洲。

玄奘大唐西域記的路線: (click to see clearer map)


原文:西天取經究竟走哪條路?揭秘玄奘在亞洲地圖上的那記「右勾拳」
復旦大學丝绸之路地理信息系统

May 12, 2017

大唐西域記 - 朅盤陁國

朅盤陁國周二千餘里,國大都城基大石嶺,背徒多河,周二十餘里。山嶺連屬,川原隘狹。谷稼儉少,菽麥豐多,林樹稀,花果少。原隰丘墟,城邑空曠。俗無禮議,人寡學藝,性既獷暴,力亦驍勇。容貌醜弊,衣服氈褐。文字語言,大同佉沙國。然知淳信,敬崇佛法。伽藍十餘所,僧徒五百餘人,習學小乘教說一切有部。

建國傳說
今王淳質,敬重三寶,儀容閑雅,篤志好學。建國以來,多歷年所。其自稱雲是至那提婆瞿呾羅。〈(唐言漢日天種。)〉此國之先,蔥嶺中荒川也。昔波利剌斯國王娶婦漢土,迎歸至此。時屬兵亂,東西路絕,遂以王女置於孤峰,極危峻,梯崖而上,下設周衛,警晝巡夜。時經三月,寇賊方靜,欲趨歸路,女已有娠。使臣惶懼,謂徒屬曰:「王命迎婦,屬斯寇亂,野次荒川,朝不謀夕。吾王德感,妖氣已靜。今將歸國,王婦有娠。顧此為憂,不知死地。宜推首惡,或以後誅。」訊問喧嘩,莫究其實。時彼待兒謂使臣曰:「勿相尤也,乃神會耳。每日正中,有一丈夫從日輪中乘馬會此。」使臣曰:「若然者,何以雪罪?歸必見誅,留亦來討,進退若是,何所宜行?」僉曰:「斯事不細,誰就深誅?待罪境外,且推旦夕。」於是即石峰上築宮起館,周三百餘步。環宮築城,立女為主,建官垂憲。至期產男,容貌妍麗。母攝政事,子稱尊號。飛行虛空,控馭風雲,威德遐被,聲教遠洽,鄰域異國,莫不稱臣。其王壽終,葬在此城東南百餘里大山巖石室中。其屍幹臘,今猶不壞,狀羸瘠人,儼然如睡,時易衣服,恆置香花。子孫奕世,以迄於今。以其先祖之世,母則漢土之人,父乃日天之種,故其自稱漢日天種。然其王族,貌同中國,首飾方冠,身衣胡服。後嗣陵夷,見迫強國。

童受伽藍
無憂王命世,即其宮中建窣堵波。其王於後遷居宮東北隅,以其故宮為尊者童受論師建僧伽藍。臺閣高廣,佛像威嚴。尊者,呾叉始羅國人也,幼而穎悟,早離俗塵,遊心典籍,棲神玄旨,日誦三萬二千言,兼書三萬二千字。故能學寇時彥,名高當世,立正法,摧邪見,高論清舉,無難不酬,五印度國咸見推高。其所制論凡數十部,並盛宣行,莫不玩習,即經部本師也。當此之時,東有馬鳴,南有提婆,西有龍猛,北有童受,號為四日照世。故此國王聞尊者盛德,興兵動眾,伐呾叉始羅國,脅而得之,建此伽藍,式昭瞻仰。

二石室入定羅漢
城東南行三百餘里,至大石崖,有二石室,各一羅漢於中入滅盡定。端然而坐,難以動搖,形若羸人,膚骸不朽,已經七百餘歲。其須發恆長,故眾僧年別為剃髮易衣。

奔穰舍羅
大崖東北,逾嶺履險,行二百餘里,至奔〈(逋論反。)穰舍羅。(唐言福舍。)〉蔥嶺東岡,四山之中,地方百餘頃,正中墊下。冬夏積雪,風寒飄勁。疇壟舄鹵,稼穡不滋,既無林樹,唯有細草。時雖暑熱,而多風雪,人徒才入,雲霧已興。商旅往來,苦斯艱險。聞諸耆舊曰:「昔有賈客,其徒萬餘,橐駝數千,賫貨逐利,遭風遇雪,人畜俱喪。時朅盤陁國有大羅漢,遙觀見之,湣其危厄,欲運神通,拯斯淪溺。適來至此,商人已喪。於是收諸珍寶,集其所有,構立館舍,儲積資財,買地鄰國,鬻戶邊城,以賑往來。故今行人商旅,咸蒙周給。

從此東下蔥嶺東岡,登危嶺,越洞谷,溪徑險阻,風雪相繼,行八百餘里,出蔥嶺,至烏鎩國。

May 10, 2017

附錄 APPENDIX - Report by M.A. Stein (斯坦因) 1921

Marc Aurel Stein: "1921. Serindia: Detailed report of explorations in Central Asia and westernmost China, 5 vols. London & Oxford, Clarendon Press." - Digitized version

CHAPTER III -- FROM THE OXUS TO KHOTAN

SECTION III -- ON HSÜAN-TSANG'S ROUTE TO KASHGAR

After crossing, on May 27, the Wakhjir Pass, under difficulties which my personal narrative describes, I found myself on Chinese soil and at the head of that great Sarikol Valley with which my first journey had already rendered me familiar. As my route down to Tash-kurghan was necessarily the same as the one I followed in July, 1900, and as the early geography, history, and antiquities of Sarikol have already been fully discussed by me in Ancient Khotan, it will suffice here to supplement that account by the survey of two old sites which I was now for the first time able to visit in person. The record of the ancient local traditions relating to both these sites is due to Hsüan-tsang, who, on his return journey about the summer of A. D. 642, passed from Wakhan across the Great Pamir to the Taghdumbash Pamir and thus down to Tash-kurghan, the Sarikol capital.

The story of the first of the sites is told by the pilgrim in connexion with the origin of the royal family of Chieh-p`an-t`o or Sarikol. The king gives himself the title of Chih-na-t`i-p`o-ch`ǔ-tan-lo (Cina-deva-gotra), meaning the descendant of China and the sun-god. Formerly the country was a desert valley in the midst of the Ts`ung-ling Mountains. At this time the king of Po-la-szû (Persia) took a wife from the Han country (China). She had been met at this point by an escort on her progress, when the roads east and west were stopped by military operations. On this they placed the king's daughter on a solitary mountain peak, very high and dangerous, which could be approached only by ladders, up and down ; moreover they surrounded it with guards both day and night for protection. After three months the disturbances were quelled. Quiet being restored, they were about to resume their journey when the lady was found enceinte.' Thereupon the king's envoy held council with his companions how to meet the consequences of this disgrace. From an attendant he learned that a divine person, coming on horseback from the sun's disc, every day at noon visited the princess. Afraid of the punishment awaiting him on return to his own country, the envoy decided to seek safety by remaining and gaining time. He then established the princess as ruler of the country. In due time she bore a son of great beauty and miraculous powers, who became a powerful king and was claimed as ancestor by the royal family of Sarikol in Hsüan-tsang's time.

That this legend was widely spread and firmly rooted in popular belief is proved by the unmistakable trace of it surviving in local tradition to-day. Already in rgoo I had heard, but too late for a visit, of remains of ancient walls perched on precipitous cliffs opposite to the fortified post of Ghujak-bai where the Taghdumbash River makes its sharp bend to the north. To them clings a story known to Sarikolis and Kirghiz alike that King Naushirwan, an ancient Persian ruler, had once placed there his daughter for safety. This is held to account for the popular designation of the ruins, Kiz-kurghan, meaning in Turki ` the tower of the daughter (or princess)'. This story was plainly a genuine relic of the fuller tradition current in Hsüan-tsang's days, and I was therefore eager to use my march on May 30, from Payik down to Pisling, for a survey of the site and ruins where it is still localized.

But even before reaching them I was able to make a local observation of quasi-antiquarian interest ; for at the foot of the spur known as Koshun-kör, near a small natural grotto, where we crossed to the left bank of the river, some six miles below Payik Karaul, I came upon ground showing marked traces of old cultivation in the shape of terraced fields and irrigation channels (arik). Part of the old arable land here was said to have been reoccupied by Wakhi settlers in recent times, but again abandoned. Also on the opposite right bank a considerable area was declared by my local guides to bear signs of ancient cultivation. These proofs of earlier occupation, fully ten miles higher up the valley than Pisling and Dafdar, where cultivation at present commences, have a special interest with reference to the advantages offered by the Taghdumbash Pamir as a route for caravan traffic between Wakhan and Sarikoli.

About two miles below Koshun-kör the bold cliffs of Kiz-kurghan came in sight, almost facing the deserted post (karaul) of Ghujak-bai at the junction of the Taghdumbash and Khunjerab Rivers. The ruins proved to be situated on the extreme eastern end of a high and rugged spur which descends from the main Sarikol range in a south-easterly direction to the Taghdumbash River, exactly at the entrance of the narrow defile extending from Ghujak-bai to Dafdar (see Plate 3). The end of the spur, as we approached it from the south along the steeply cut river bank, presents itself as an almost isolated rock promontory falling away in nearly perpendicular cliffs on the south and east, with its top ridge rising some 70o feet above the river (Fig. 27). Our subsequent survey showed that equally unscalable rock walls protect it on the north and west towards the narrow and wildly twisting valley known as Kiz-kurghan Jilga. The only approach to this frowning rock fastness lies over a low and narrow neck connecting it with the spur behind, and to this I climbed up with the Surveyor and Naik Ram Singh with considerable difficulty. The ascent led first up steep talus slopes and then through a still more precipitous couloir of rock débris. The young guide accompanying us had never ascended before, superstitious fears keeping Sarikolis in general from visits to the ruins. Plentiful pieces of ancient-looking juniper wood (archa) strewed the higher slope, and allowed me to guess the construction of the old walls of which I caught glimpses above us, long before the height was gained. After reaching the neck, only fifteen to twenty feet broad and some fifty to sixty yards long, we had still to clamber up a height of about a hundred and fifty feet over an equally narrow arêie, and then I found my antiquarian surmise verified ; for the old walls rising before us (Fig. 28), along what proved the south-west rim of the highest of the series of terraces forming the top of the promontory, showed, as expected, the curious structural peculiarity of twigs and brushwood embedded in regular layers between courses of sun-dried bricks. A massive tower-like bastion, some twenty-five feet square, barred approach from the neck and the narrow crest continuing it eastwards. We managed, however, to scramble over its ruined side and then to cross, not without some difficulty, along the top of the decayed wall, about sixty feet long, which connected this outwork with the main defences. We then stood on the line of walls which was meant to defend the rim above mentioned, and first got a sight of the natural terraces with which the hill-top sloped away northward.

The walls from near the point just described could be traced first running to the north-west for over a hundred feet and then, near a massive corner bastion of which the summit measured about fifteen feet square (seen in Fig. 28), taking a turn to the north. For about a hundred and ninety feet on this alignment following the rocky crest the walls were clearly traceable, whether in their superstructure of sun-dried bricks or in foundations of large rough stones. For about a hundred and forty feet further north remains of walls were visible here and there by the precipitous edge, and where they ceased sheer natural rock walls took their place rendering all fortification unnecessary. Rising still to over twenty feet where in fair preservation, elsewhere decayed almost to their foundation, these walls had once completely protected that portion of the isolated hill-top facing westwards on which alone an attack could be attempted. But even on this side, excepting the narrow neck we had followed, the slopes were far too steep to be climbed by armed men in any numbers. Everywhere else sheer walls of rock descending for hundreds of feet formed unscalable natural defences. From the south-west rim the top of the hill sloped to the north and north-east in a series of terraces which, where they grew broader near the northern end of the line of walls, must have afforded ample space for structures of shelter. But these, having probably been built of rough stones, could be traced only in heaps of rubble in the position which the rapidly executed plan shows. At a point about twenty yards from the northernmost point of the walls the site of a tank, about thirty feet in diameter and closed northward by a thick stone wall, could be clearly made out. A second reservoir was recognizable towards the north rim of the sloping area.

The solid construction of the bastioned walls would alone have sufficed to prove a great antiquity for the site. Without this solidity the walls could not have retained a footing on such steep and difficult ground. They showed an average thickness of sixteen feet at the base near the corner bastion, and, apart from large rough slabs used in the foundations, consisted of remarkably regular and closely laid brickwork as seen in the photograph (Fig. 28). The bricks, sun-dried but solid enough, measured on the average fifteen by twelve inches, with a thickness of about five inches. Neither the material, a fine clay plentifully mixed with small pebbles, nor yet adequate water for making them, could have been obtained on the spot, and their transport to this height must have greatly increased the trouble of construction. Both here and at Kansir the conjecture suggested itself that the insertion of thin layers of twigs and brushwood (here from the juniper growth which is still to be met with in some of the neighbouring side-valleys) was primarily intended as a substitute for an adequate supply of wet plaster to set the bricks ; want of water at such an inaccessible height must have rendered this very difficult to prepare. This opinion has been greatly strengthened by the observations subsequently gathered along the ancient Chinese border wall in the desert west and north of Tun-huang, where the difficulties about the carriage of water for building purposes must have been equally great in most places, and where the same expedient was probably first resorted to as a regular constructive feature.

But whatever the origin of this method of strengthening the brickwork may be, I felt certain that the old mountain fastness was the same which Hstian-tsang had seen or heard of. The way in which he records the ancient legend then clinging to it leaves no doubt that it had become ruined long before his own time. The local tradition he had heard ascribed the stronghold to the Han times, the earliest period of Chinese influence in the Tarim Basin ; and it was no small satisfaction to me to see that here, at the very first point where I had touched again his Central Asian route, definite archaeological evidence on the spot confirmed afresh the trustworthiness of the great Chinese traveller. But striking,-too, was the evidence afforded by the ruins for the dryness of the climate which prevails in these mountains, and which alone could account for their survival in so exposed a position from so early a date. If Sarikol had ever in historical times enjoyed much heavier snow and rainfall than it now receives, these ancient walls, perched above precipitous slopes and at an elevation probably close on 13,000 feet above sea level, would have long ago disappeared.

Short as my stay at the site had to be under the conditions described in my personal narrative, it was quite sufficient to convince me of the exceptional natural strength of the position, amounting almost to impregnability in days which knew not gunpowder. Though overlooked by higher spurs both on the north and west, the terraces of the hill-top were quite beyond bowshot. In various ways the position, though much stronger, recalled that of Adh-i-Samûdh, the old hill stronghold I had examined in 1904 above the Kohat Valley on the North-west Frontier. The absence of all pottery débris suggested that, just as the latter site, Kiz-kurghan could have served only as a temporary refuge in case of danger, not as a place of permanent occupation. The great natural strength of the position impressed me more than ever when we had safely scrambled down over the slopes of rock and detritus on the south-west and resumed our march to Pisling in the failing light. The narrow track leading by the left bank of the river was completely commanded by the rock walls of Kizkurghan. These towered so sheer above it that some contrivance of ropes would have enabled the defenders to gain direct access to the river water, an important consideration of defence. Close investment of the fastness was impossible either from the river or the gloomy winding gorge of the Kiz-kurghan Jilga, which on the north and north-west forms a huge natural fosse with precipitous rock scarps on both sides hundreds of feet high.

Proceeding down the gradually widening defile of the Taghdumbash River I passed, some four miles below Kiz-kurghan, old terraced fields with traces of canals from the side-valley of Karajilga and reached the Sarikoli hamlet of Pisling, where present cultivation commences, after another five miles. Thence a long day's march of some forty miles brought me down on May 31 to Tashkurghân, the Sarikol `.capital' since ancient times. The route along the west side of the wide open valley was new to me and afforded interesting observations, recorded in my personal narrative, as to the extent of arable land here available and its steady resumption now proceeding under the conditions of security and growing population which prevail since incursions from Hunza ceased. Of remains of some modern antiquarian interest I have only to mention the presence of an old fort by the left river bank about one and a half miles below Pisling and a walled enclosure at Ak-tam, some five miles above Tâsh-kurghân.

The fort consists of an enclosure, about fifty-eight feet square inside, with walls built of rough boulders below and sun-dried bricks above. The size of the latter is about one by two feet, with a thickness of six inches. A fosse about thirty-eight feet wide on top and now five feet deep protected the north-west and south-west faces, the others being rendered difficult of access by steep slopes of conglomerate falling off towards the river. Though called ` old ' by the Pisling people, the little fort did not look to me of great antiquity, and the absence of layers of brushwood between the courses of bricks confirmed this impression. Nor was it different with the ruins of a walled enclosure, about sixty yards square and built in stamped clay, which I passed, after crossing a dreary waste of sand and gravel, at Ak-tam some five miles above Tash-kurghan. Some precarious cultivation resumed here by means of a new canal suggested that the Ak-tam ruin might be that of a Sarai marking the edge of the Tâsh-kurghan oasis as it existed in mediaeval or even more recent times. On the opposite bank of the wide river bed lie the fields of Bâzâr-dasht where in 1900 I had heard of scanty remains of houses manifestly occupied in the Muhammadan period. I may here also mention that when passing, some twenty-six miles above Tash-kurghân, the fertile meadow land of Ghan on the opposite side of the valley, I was told of the ruins of an ancient fort known as Taghasla existing on a high ridge rising east of Ghan. A local legend seems to cling to the place, but it was impossible to spare time for a visit.

On leaving Tâsh-kurghan on June 3, after a busy halt of two days, I chose for my onward move to Kashgar the caravan track which crosses the great spurs radiating from the Murtâgh-ata massif to the south and south-east. My choice was due partly to the hope of saving time on this the most direct route—and as my personal narrative shows, I actually succeeded in covering on it the distance of about 180 miles usually reckoned at ten marches, in six days—; but even more it was influenced by the wish to see with my own eyes the route which Hsüan-tsang must have followed when proceeding about A. D. 642 from Chieh-p`an-t`o (or Sarikol) to Chia-sha (or Kashgar). The pilgrim begins the account of this journey by remarking on an ancient hospice or punya.sâlâ which he reached after journeying from the capital of Chieh-p`an-t`o, i. e. the present Tâsh-kurghan, towards the north-east and marching for two hundred li (or two daily marches) across mountains and along precipices. The position of this religious foundation is described as ` a space comprising some hundred ch'ing (thousand Chinese acres), in the midst of the four mountains belonging to the eastern chain of the Ts`ung-ling Mountains '.

In this region, both during summer and winter, there fall down piles of snow ; the cold winds and icy storms rage. The ground, impregnated with salt, produces no crops, there are no trees, and nothing but some wretched herbs. Even at the time of the great heat the wind and snow continue. Scarcely have travellers entered this region when they find themselves surrounded by vapours and clouds. Merchant caravans, in coming and going, suffer severely in these difficult and dangerous spots.' According to an ` old story ' which Hsiian-tsang heard related, a great troop of merchants, with thousands of followers and camels, had once perished here by wind and snow. An Arhat of Chieh-p`an-t`o was believed to have subsequently collected all the precious objects left behind by the doomed caravan and to have constructed on the spot a house in which he accumulated ample stores, as well as to have made pious endowments in neighbouring territories for the benefit of travellers.

Taking into account the topographical indications furnished by the pilgrim's own route and the distance and bearing recorded, I had already arrived at the conclusion that the site of the hospice would have to be looked for on the Chichiklik Maidan. This is the plateau-like head of the Shindi Valley which the main route from Sarikol to Kashgar crosses at a distance of two marches from Tâsh-kurghân. The Chichiklik Maidân lies between two great mountain spurs radiating southward from the Murtagh-ata massif, and its position is such that it must be traversed by all travelling in this direction, by whichever of the several passes (Chichiklik, Yam-bulak, or Yangi-Dawan) they may surmount the second or eastern of those spurs. The importance of the Chichiklik Maidân as a natural halting-place and its high elevation seemed to point to it as a suitable place for such a hospice as 1-Isüan-tsang mentions. But it was only on my actual passage by this route that I was able to verify the conjectured location.

On June 4, the second day of my journey, a difficult ascent through the Shindi gorge brought me to the head of the valley (see Map, No. 3). It was curious to find at that height an almost level plain, about two and a half miles long from north to south and over a mile across, bordered all round by snowy ridges (Fig. 26), and to see with my own eyes how closely its appearance agreed with Hsiian-tsang's description of the site of this ancient hospice. Snowy ridges, rising apparently some 2,000-3,000 feet higher, enclosed it on all sides, except to the north-east where a broad gap marked the scarcely perceptible watershed towards the Tangi-tar Valley. My aneroid indicated for this plain an elevation of about 14,800 feet. Its appearance, as well as the accounts I heard from my experienced caravan-men and Sarikoli followers, was sufficiently convincing as to the losses which this desolate high plateau, exposed to the winds and snows, claims annually in animals and at times in men, too. Most of it was still under snow. But a low knoll near the centre of the plain was clear, and when, attracted by the sight:of a dilapidated Muhammadan tomb or ` Gumbaz ', I proceeded to examine the spot, I soon discovered there the foundations of a square enclosure, some thirty-five yards on each side, built of rough but solid stone walls about three feet thick and manifestly of early construction. The correct orientation of the lines of wall would agree well with a pre-Muhammadan origin. At the same time the decayed grave mounds I could trace inside, beside the Gumbaz already referred to, and the information gathered from the Sarikolis accompanying me left no doubt about the spot being now held sacred in Muhammadan eyes.

The Chichiklik plain, forbidding as it looks, must always, for the topographical reasons already indicated, have formed a regular halting-place, and the central position occupied in it by the ruined structure is exceptionally well adapted for the purposes of a storehouse or hospice such as Hsüan-tsang describes, intended to provide shelter and supplies for travellers from whichever of the several passes they may come. How much time has passed since those walls crumbled away to their foundations can now no longer be determined. But both archaeological and topographical indications seem to justify our recognizing in them the last remains of the ancient structure to which Hsüan-tsang's record refers. Throughout Chinese Turkestan graveyards are invariably attached to supposed ` Ziarats ' of saints. We may therefore safely look upon the graves now found within the enclosure, and the sanctity claimed for the ground, as a distinct trace left behind by the legend which in Hsüan-tsang's days ascribed the foundation of the hospice to the action of a holy man. But there was ocular evidence also of suitability of the spot for a hospice, in the shape of two huts erected under Chinese orders for travellers' shelter some two hundred yards away. Characteristically enough, though dating only since 1903, when Sarikol was raised to the dignity of a regular civil district, the huts looked already half-ruined.

In spite of the well-advanced spring and the favourable snow conditions provided by a heavy grey sky, it took us nearly five hours to struggle across the snow-beds of the Chichiklik plain and those of the very gently sloping valley eastwards down to the Kirghiz camp at Tar-bashi, about 3,000 feet lower. I could well realize the trials presented at other times by that bleak plateau, close on 15,000 feet above the sea, as I recalled the account left by Benedict Goëz, the brave Jesuit lay-brother, who traversed this route in 1603 on his journey from India in search of fabled Cathay. After crossing the Pamir he and the large ` Kafila of merchants to which he had attached himself for safety had at the hamlets of the ` province of Sarcil', i. e. Sarikol, ` halted two days to rest the horses. And then in two days more they reached the foot of the mountain called Ciecialilh (i. e. Chichiklik). It was covered deep with snow, and during the ascent many were frozen to death and our brother barely escaped, for they were altogether six days in the snow here. At last they reached Tanghetar (Tangi-tar), a place belonging to the Kingdom of Cascar (Kashgar). Here Isaac the Armenian fell off the bank of a great river into the water, and lay, as it were, dead for some eight hours till Benedict's exertions at last brought him to. In fifteen days more they reached the town of Iakonich (Yaka-arik), and the roads were so bad that six of our brother's horses died of fatigue. After five days more our Benedict going on by himself in advance reached the capital which is called Hiarchan (Yarkand), and sent back horses to help on his party with necessaries for his comrades. And so they also arrived not long after safe at the capital, with bag and baggage, in November of the same year 1603.

I have quoted the record left of this pious traveller's experiences in full, as it not only serves as a vivid commentary on the dread of the Chichiklik plateau as reflected in Hsüan-tsang's story, but helps also to fix exactly the locality of a curious incident related of his own passage in his biography. From the places mentioned in Goëz' notes it is certain that the route he followed was identical with the present main caravan track which descends from the Chichiklik plateau via Tar-bashi, and at Chihil-gumbaz, two marches further east, diverges from the route leading to Kashgar. Tangi-tar, meaning ` the narrow gorge ', which Goëz distinctly refers to, is the name borne by the deep-cut and very difficult defile through which the waters of the Tar-bashi Valley find their way down to their junction at Toile-bulung with the streams coming from the Yam-bulak, Yangi-dawan, and Tor-art Passes (see Map, No. 3). The route enters it about two miles below the Kirghiz grazing-grounds of Tar-bâshi, and for over two miles beyond lies in the stream bed itself between high frowning rock walls, which in places overhang (Fig. 29). Owing to the flood from the melting snows, which completely fills the gorge, the route through it becomes quite impracticable during the summer months when the passage from the Chichiklik is diverted to the Yangi-dawan or Yam-bulak Passes. An exceptionally late spring allowed me to pass by the Tangi-tar route on June 5 ; but even then the deep pools of tossing water and big slippery boulders to be constantly crossed between almost perpendicular cliffs of limestone made the passage very trying and in places dangerous for the baggage.

The conditions must have been much the same when Goëz' hard-tried caravan made its way down here in September or October of 1603. I could well understand on the spot the seriousness of the accident which here befell his faithful companion Isaac the Armenian. But there was for me the memory of an adventure far older and of a more famous traveller haunting this forbidding passage. Hsüan-tsang's biography relates how the ` Master of the Law ', while journeying from Chieh-p`an-t`o, or Tash-kurghân, towards the north-east, on the fifth day ` encountered a troop of robbers. The traders accompanying him were seized with fear and clambered up the sides of the mountains. Several elephants, obstinately pursued, fell into the water and perished. After the robbers had been passed, Hsüan-tsang slowly advanced with the traders, descended the heights to the east and, braving a rigorous cold, continued his journey amidst a thousand dangers. After having thus covered eight hundred li, he passed out of the Tsung-ling Mountains and arrived in the kingdom of Wu-sha.' Now the time occupied by the journey from Tash-kurghan to the point where the attack was encountered and the general description of the spot clearly point to some defile east of the Chichiklik, and there is certainly none offering the same natural facilities for such an exploit as the Tangi-tar gorge. As a competent observer has noted, ' a few determined men might in places defend it against an army '. The reference to the rigorous cold experienced on the onward journey is also significant. We know that the pilgrim crossed the Pamirs during the short summer, and spent fully twenty days in Sarikol. Hence he probably made his way over the Chichiklik and on towards Wu-sha and Kâshgar in the autumn. At that season none of the streams encountered on the route would be likely to hold sufficient water to prove dangerous to elephants excepting the Tangi-tar stream which, owing to the extremely confined nature of its rock-cut bed, retains deep pools of water even in the winter.

That the Tangi-tar gorge must have always been considered a portion of the route specially exposed to attacks is shown by the ruined watch-tower which rises at the lower end of the gorge where the latter joins the valley coming from the Yam-bulak and Yangi-dawan Passes further north. Its construction was attributed by my local informants to an ancestor of Ibrahim Beg, the headman of the Kirghiz grazing in the adjacent valleys. But of greater archaeological interest is the evidence I discovered of the early use of the Tangi-tar route at a very confined point of the gorge, about half a mile from its upper end (Fig. 29). There the rock walls on either side show a line of seven well-cut holes, about six inches deep and eight inches across, either square or circular, which were undoubtedly meant for the insertion of beams. A bridge or platform laid over these must have saved travellers and their animals the crossing of slippery and half-submerged boulders at a particularly awkward place. The work in these holes, chiselled out with much care and neatness, was, apparently, ancient.

In Ancient Kholan I have already fully explained the reasons which convince me that Hsüantsang's territory of Wu-sha, then subject to Sarikol, comprised both Yârkand and Yangi-Hisar, and that the route followed by the pilgrim after his passage of the Chichiklik plateau took him first to Yangi-H Isar and thence on to Chia-sha or Kashgar. On the rapid marches which carried me by June 8 to Kâshgar, by way of Ighiz-yâr and Yangi-Hisâr, and which will be found described in Chapter ix of my personal narrative, I may thus assume that throughout I followed my ' Chinese patron-saint's' track, even though this offered no scope for fresh antiquarian observations.

Photos:
25: VIEW FROM KANSIR FORT ACROSS OXUS VALLEY TOWARDS RANGE ABOVE SARHAD.
26: VIEW ACROSS CHICHIKLIK MAIDĀN TO SOUTH-WEST.
27: SPUR OF KIZ-KURGHĀN, ABOVE TĀGHDUMBĀSH RIVER, SEEN FROM SOUTH.
28: RUINED WALL AND BASTION OF KIZ-KURGHĀN, SEEN FROM SOUTH-WEST.

29: IN TANGI-TAR GORGE BELOW TAR-BĀSHI. Line of holes (i. p. 79) seen on left.
30: ROCK-CUT CELLAS AT ÖCH-MERWĀN.
31: CONGLOMERATE CLIFFS BELOW KOHMĀRĪ MAZĀR. Natural grottoes (i. p. 95) seen at foot on left.
32: GROTTO CUT ON ROCK FACE ABOVE KARA-KĀSH RIVER, OPPOSITE FAIZĀBĀD.


Below is from Google Translate: 以下是Google翻譯 - May not translated correctly.

第三章 - 從奧克斯到赫丹

第三節 - 關於HSANAN-TSANG通往喀什的路線

在5月27日穿越瓦赫吉爾山口之後,在我個人敘述所描述的困難中,我發現自己正在中國的土地上,以及在我第一次旅程已經讓我熟悉的那個偉大的薩里科爾山谷的頭部。由於我到Tash-kurghan的路線必然與我在7月跟隨的路線相同,I9oo,以及Sarikol的早期地理,歷史和古董已經在古代和田時被我充分討論過了,這裡就足夠了通過對我現在第一次親自拜訪的兩個舊站點的調查進行補充。與這兩個地點有關的古代當地傳統的記錄是由於他在公元642年夏季的返回旅程中從湖山穿過大帕米爾到塔格杜巴什帕米爾並由此到達塔什庫爾漢,Sarikol首府。

朝聖者講述了第一個遺址的故事, 與Chieh-p`an-t`o(朅盤陀)或Sarikol王室的起源有關。 國王給自己的稱號 Chih-na-t`i-p`o-ch`ǔ-tan-lo (至那提婆瞿呾羅 Cina-deva-gotra), 即中國和太陽神的後裔。 以前該國是Ts'ung-ling山脈中的一個沙漠山谷。此時波斯王(P 'o-la-szǔ 波斯)從漢族(中國)娶了一位妻子。 在這裡她遇到來的護送人員,當時東西方道路被軍事行動阻止。在這上面,他們把公主安置在一個孤零零的山峰上,非常高而且危險,只能通過梯子上下走動;此外,他們晝夜用保護包圍它以保護。三個月後,騷亂被平息了。安靜的恢復,當女士被發現時,他們即將恢復旅程。'於是,國王的特使與他的同伴舉行了理事會,以便如何應付這種恥辱的後果。從服務員那裡,他了解到,每天中午都有一位來自太陽光盤騎馬的神聖人物參觀了公主。由於害怕回到自己的國家等待他的懲罰,特使決定通過留下時間尋找安全。然後他建立了公主作為國家的統治者。在適當的時候,她生下了一位美麗而神奇的兒子,他成為了一位強大的國王,並且在江's時代被Sarikol王室的祖先稱為祖先。

這個傳說廣泛傳播並深深植根於流行的信仰中,這一點可以通過今日在當地傳統中生存的明顯跡象來證明。我已經聽說過,但是來不及拜訪,遺留的古城牆的遺體棲息在Ghujak-bai的加固柱對面的懸崖峭壁上,在那裡Taghdumbash河向北急轉彎。對他們來說,一個古老的波斯統治者Naushirwan國王曾經為了安全而將他的女兒安置在那裡,這是Sarikolis和Kirghiz都知道的故事。這是為了說明廢墟的流行稱謂,即Kiz-kurghan,意思是Turki'女兒(或公主)的塔樓'。這個故事顯然是江孜時代充滿傳統潮流的真正遺跡,因此我急於在5月30日從Payik到Pisling參加一次關於遺跡和遺蹟的調查。

但即使在達到他們之前,我也能夠對當地的準古物種興趣進行本地觀察;在被稱為Koshun-kör的刺激腳下,靠近一個小天然石窟,我們穿過河流左岸,在Payik Karaul下方六英里的地方,我出現在地面,顯示出形狀上的舊耕作痕跡梯田和灌溉渠道(arik)。據說最近這裡的部分舊耕地據說已被瓦希定居者重新佔領,但又被放棄了。同樣在右岸的右岸,我的當地導遊宣布了一個相當大的區域,以顯示古老的耕種跡象。早些時候佔領的這些證據表明,比起目前開始耕種的Pisling和Dafdar高出10英里的高度,對Taghdumbash帕米爾作為Wakhan和Sarikoli之間的商隊運輸路線所提供的優勢有特別的興趣。

在Koshun-kör大約兩英里處,Kiz-kurghan大膽的懸崖就在眼前,幾乎面對著Taghdumbash和Khunjerab河交界處Ghujak-bai的荒蕪崗(karaul)。這座廢墟被證明位於一條高高崎嶇的馬刺的最東端,該馬刺從Sarikol主要區域向東南方向降落到Taghdumbash河,正好在從Ghujak-bai延伸到Dafdar的狹窄隘口入口處(見圖3)。當我們沿著陡峭的切割河岸從南邊接近時,刺骨的末端呈現為幾乎孤立的岩石岬角,在南部和東部的幾乎垂直的懸崖上掉下來,其頂部脊線升高了約70英尺河流(圖27)。我們隨後的調查顯示,同樣無法攀登的岩壁保護著它在北部和西部向著狹窄而又瘋狂扭曲的山谷Kiz-kurghan Jilga。

這種令人fr目結舌的堅固性的唯一辦法就在於將它與後面的馬刺連接起來的低矮而狹窄的脖子,為此我與驗船師和奈克拉姆辛格攀爬起來相當困難。上升首先導致了陡峭的距骨斜坡,然後通過了更加陡峭的岩石沙堡。陪同我們的年輕導游從未登上過,迷信的恐懼讓薩里科利斯一般不會去參觀廢墟。許多古老的杜松木(archa)散佈在較高的斜坡上,並且讓我猜測在我們獲得高度之前很長一段時間我在我們上方發現的舊牆的構造。到達脖子後,只有十五到二十英尺寬,五六十碼長,我們仍然要爬上一個一百五十英尺的高度,在一個同樣狹窄的圓環上,然後我發現我的古物猜測被證實;對於在我們面前升起的老牆壁(圖28),沿著構成海角頂部的一系列梯田中最高的西南邊緣,正如預期的那樣,顯示了嵌入樹枝和灌木叢的奇特結構特徵在曬乾磚之間的規則層。一個巨大的塔式堡壘,大約二十五英尺見方,從脖子上阻擋著進攻,而狹窄的嵴則向東延伸。然而,我們設法在廢墟的一邊爭搶,然後沿著腐朽的牆的頂部穿過,大約有六十英尺長,這與主要的防禦工事有關。然後,我們站在防守上述邊緣的牆壁上,首先看到了山頂向北傾斜的天然梯田。

從剛剛描述的點附近的牆壁可以首先追溯到西北方向超過一百英尺,然後在靠近一個大型角落堡壘附近,峰頂測量為大約十五平方英尺(見圖28),採取轉向北方。大約一百九十英尺在岩石頂峰之後的這條路線上,牆壁顯然是可追溯的,無論是在它們的曬乾磚的上層結構中還是在大型粗糙石塊的基礎上。大約一百四十英尺的城牆仍然可以看到這里和那裡的陡峭邊緣,在那裡他們停止了陡峭的天然岩壁取代他們的位置,使所有的設防不必要。仍然高達二十多英尺,在公平保存的地方,在其他地方幾乎衰落到它們的基礎上,這些牆壁曾經完全保護了孤立的山頂朝向西的那一部分,只有這樣才能嘗試攻擊。但即使在這邊,除了我們所遵循的狹窄脖子之外,這些斜坡非常陡峭,無法被任何數量的武裝人員爬上。在其他地方,綿延數百英尺的岩壁形成了無法抗拒的自然防禦。從西南邊緣開始,山頂由一系列梯田向北和東北傾斜,這些梯田在牆壁北端附近越來越寬的地方,必定為這裡的住房提供了充足的空間。但是,這些可能是由粗糙的石塊建成的,只能在快速執行的計劃所顯示的位置上堆砌成碎片。在離圍牆最北端大約二十碼的地方,可以清楚地看到一個直徑約三十英尺並由厚厚的石牆向北封閉的水池。第二個水庫在傾斜區域的北部邊緣可以識別。

只有堅實的基礎圍牆才能證明這個地方古老的古蹟。如果沒有這種可靠性,牆壁就不可能在如此陡峭和困難的地面上保持立足之地。他們在拐角堡壘附近的基地顯示出平均厚度為16英尺,並且除了在地基中使用的大型粗糙石板外,還包括如照片所示的非常規則和密集的磚砌結構(圖28)。這些磚塊經過太陽曬乾但足夠堅固,平均尺寸為十五英寸十二英寸,厚度約五英寸。這種材料,一種細小的粘土,充滿小石子,還沒有足夠的水來製作它們,可以在現場得到,而且它們運到這個高度必定會大大增加施工的麻煩。無論是在這裡還是在坎西爾,這個猜想都表明,插入薄薄的樹枝和灌木叢(這裡從一些鄰近的側谷仍需要滿足的檜樹生長中),主要是為了取代充足的供應濕石膏以設置磚塊;在這樣一個難以接近的高度想要水,必然使得這很難做好準備。隨後在屯黃西部和北部的沙漠中沿著中國古代邊牆收集的觀察結果大大加強了這一觀點,在這些地方,建築用水運輸的困難在大多數地方必定是同等重要的,同樣的權宜之計可能首先被作為常規的建設性特徵。

但是,無論這種加固磚砌方法的原因是什麼,我都確信古斯坦曾經看到或聽說過的古老的山峰堅固性是一樣的。他記錄這個古老傳說的方式使它堅持下去,毫無疑問,它早在他自己的時代之前就已經被毀滅了。他所聽到的地方傳統將漢堡的據點賦予了漢人,這是中國在塔里木盆地影響最早的時期;在這裡,當我再次觸及他的中亞路線的第一時刻,當然有確鑿的考古證據證實了這位偉大的中國旅行者的可靠性,這讓我非常滿意。但是,引人注目的是,這些廢墟為這些山區盛行的氣候乾燥提供了證據,只有這樣才能說明它們在如此早的日子如此暴露的位置上的生存。如果Sarikol在歷史上曾經享受過比現在更加沉重的降雪和降雨量,那麼這些古老的城牆,棲息在陡峭的斜坡之上,可能在海拔13,000英尺的高處,很久以前就會消失。

總之,我留在現場的時間必須符合我個人敘述中所述的條件,這足以讓我相信該職位具有出色的自然實力,幾乎可以在幾乎不知道火藥的日子裡堅持到底。雖然被北面和西面的高馬刺所忽略,但山頂的梯田遠遠超過了弓箭。這種立場雖然強大得多,但回顧了Adh-i-Samûdh--我1904年在西北邊境的科哈特山谷上面考察過的古老山丘據點。沒有所有的陶器都表明,正如後者的場地一樣,Kiz-kurghan本來只能在危險的情況下作為臨時避難所,而不是作為永久佔領的地方。當我們在西南部的岩石和碎石的斜坡上安全地爬過時,這個位置的巨大自然力量比以往任何時候都更加令我印象深刻,並在失敗的光線中恢復了我們向皮斯林的進軍。河左岸的狹窄的軌道完全由Kizkurghan的岩壁指揮。這些聳立在它之上,使得一些繩索的設計能夠使防御者能夠直接進入河水,這是防守的重要考慮因素。從Kiz-kurghan Jilga的河流或陰沉的蜿蜒峽谷,在北部和西北部形成了一個巨大的天然岩石,並在幾百英尺高的兩側都有陡峭的岩石陡崖,這種牢固的緊密投資是不可能的。

沿著逐漸擴大的塔格杜姆什河的窪地行進,我經過距離Kiz-kurghan四英里的地方,從卡拉吉爾加的山谷中出現了一些帶有運河痕蹟的老梯田,到達了現在正在開始耕種的Pisling的Sarikoli小村莊五英里。從那以後,長達四十英里的漫長的一天的行軍將我於五月三十一日帶到了自古以來的Sarikol'資本'Tashkurghân。沿著開闊的山谷西側的路線對我來說是新的,並且在我的個人敘述中提供了有趣的觀察,關於這裡可用的可耕地的範圍以及目前在安全和不斷增長的人口條件下穩定恢復的情況自從罕薩入侵停止以來一直佔上風。對於一些現代古代興趣的遺存,我只提到左岸河岸上有一座老堡壘,大約在皮斯林下方1.5英里處,還有一座圍繞著Tâsh-kurghân五英里處的阿克坦的圍牆。

堡壘由一個圍牆組成,內部大約五十八平方英尺,牆壁由下面粗糙的巨石和上面曬乾的磚塊構成。後者的尺寸大約是一兩英尺,厚度為六英寸。在頂部約三十八英尺寬,現在五英尺深的保護層保護著西北和西南面,其他的礫石陡峭的斜坡難以進入河流。雖然被皮斯林人稱為“古老”,但這座小堡壘並沒有向我展示古代古蹟,磚之間沒有層層叢林,證實了這種印象。它也不同於一個圍牆六十碼的方形牆壁的廢墟,它是在一塊泥土上建造的,它是在塔什庫爾漢以上五英里處的阿克泰姆穿過一堆沉重的沙土和沙礫後經過的。通過一條新運河在這裡恢復了一些不穩定的種植,這表明阿克泰姆廢墟可能是標誌著塔代 - 庫爾漢綠洲的邊緣,因為它存在於中世紀或更近的時代。在寬闊河床的對岸,躺在Bâzâr-dasht的田野上,1900年我聽說過在穆罕默德時期明顯佔領的房屋很少。我也可以在這裡提到,當經過谷地對面加汗肥沃的草甸土地Tash-kurghân上方約26英里處時,我被告知被稱為Taghasla古堡的廢墟存在於高處Ghan東邊的山脊。當地的傳說似乎緊緊抓住了這個地方,但不可能抽出時間參觀。

在6月3日離開塔什庫爾漢,經過兩天的忙碌停頓之後,我選擇了前往喀什的大篷車賽道,該大馬路賽道從Murtâgh-ata地塊的南部和東南部穿過大馬刺。我的選擇部分是因為希望在這條最直接的路線上節省時間 - 正如我個人的敘述所顯示的那樣,我實際上成功地覆蓋了通常在六天的十次遊行中估計約180英里的距離;但更多的是受到我希望親眼看到Hsüan-tsang在從Chieh-p`an-t`o(或Sarikol)到Chia-sha(或喀什) )。朝聖者通過評論他從Chieh-p`an-t'o的首都出發後到達的一個古老的臨終關懷或punya.sâlâ開始了這個旅程的敘述。即現在的Tâsh-kurghan,向東北方向行進,並在山間和懸崖上行進200裡(或每日兩次)。這個宗教基金會的地位被描述為“在Ts'ung-ling山脈的東部鍊子的四座山脈中包含一百個千(千畝)的空間。

在這個地區,無論在夏季還是在冬季,都會有一堆積雪倒下。冷風和冰冷的暴風雨。浸漬鹽的地面不生作物,沒有樹木,只有一些可憐的草藥。即使在炎熱的時候,風和雪也會繼續。當旅客發現自己被蒸氣和雲層包圍時,他們幾乎沒有進入這個地區。商業大篷車來來往往在這些困難和危險的地方受到嚴重影響。據曾三仙聽說的一個“老故事”,一大群商人,有數千名追隨者和駱駝,曾經在這裡被風雪消滅。據認為,Chieh-p`an-t`o的羅漢後來收集了被注定的大篷車留下的所有貴重物品,並在當地建造了一座他積累了充足商店的房屋,並且製造了為了旅行者的利益,在鄰近地區虔誠的捐贈。

考慮到朝聖者自己的路線提供的地形指示以及記錄的距離和方位,我已經得出了必須在Chichiklik Maidan尋找臨終關懷地點的結論。這是新地山谷的高原般的頭部,從Sarikol到喀什的主要路線在Tâsh-kurghân的兩個遊行區間穿過。 ChichiklikMaidân位於從Murtagh-ata山嚮南輻射的兩座大山刺之間,其位置必須由所有沿這個方向行進的地方通過幾次通過(Chichiklik,Yam-bulak或Yangi他們可以超越這些馬刺的第二或東部。 ChichiklikMaidân作為一個自然停歇的地方和高海拔地區的重要性似乎指向它作為1-Isüan-tsang提及的臨終關懷的適宜場所。但是,只有通過這條路線的實際通道,我才能夠驗證猜想的位置。

6月4日,我旅程的第二天,通過新迪峽谷的艱難攀登將我帶到了山谷(見地圖3號)。在這個高度上發現一個幾乎平坦的平原,從南到南大約一英里長,跨越一英里,四周被雪嶺所圍繞(圖26),並親眼看到它的外觀與西安倉對這個古老的臨終關懷遺址的描述是一致的。白雪皚皚的山脊明顯高出約2000-3000英尺,四面圍繞著它,除了向東北方向延伸的地方,那裡有一個寬廣的縫隙,標誌著幾乎看不到Tangi-tar山谷的分水嶺。我的無液體顯示這個平原海拔約14,800英尺。它的出現以及我從經驗豐富的大篷車男子和薩里科利追隨者那裡聽到的消息足以讓人信服,這個荒涼的高原暴露在風和雪下的損失,每年在動物和有時在男人身上的索賠,太。大部分仍在下雪。但是在平原中心附近的一個小山丘是清澈的,當被視線所吸引時:一個破舊的穆罕默德墓或者古巴茲,我開始檢查這個地方,我很快就發現了一個方形圍牆的基礎,一些三面五十碼,由粗糙堅實的石牆構成,厚約三英尺,顯然是早期建築。牆壁線的正確方向與穆罕默德之前的起源相符。與此同時,在我已經提到的古巴茲旁邊可以追溯到裡面的腐爛的墳墓,從薩里科利斯陪伴我身邊收集到的信息毫無疑問地證明了穆罕默德眼中現在被神聖的地方。

Chichiklik平原,因為它看起來禁止,必須總是,因為已經表明的地形原因,已經形成了一個經常停頓的地方,被破壞的結構佔據的中心位置非常適合於倉庫或臨終關懷的目的如Hsüan-tsang所描述的,旨在為旅客提供他們可能來的幾個通行證的庇護所和用品。現在已經有多少時間過去了,現在已經不能確定。但考古學和地形學的跡像似乎證明我們認識到曾紫倉的記錄所指的古代建築的最後遺跡。整個中國土耳其斯坦墓地總是附屬於聖人的“齊亞拉特”。因此,我們可以安全地看到現在在封閉空間內發現的墳墓,以及為地面宣稱的神聖之處,這是一個傳說留下的鮮明痕跡,在Hs's時代,這個傳說在聖人的行動中將善終的基礎歸於其中。但也有證據表明,該地點適合安置臨終關懷,形式為兩個按照中國命令建造的兩個小屋,用於200碼外的旅行者住所。儘管從1903年開始約會,但Sarikol被提升到普通民用區的尊嚴,看起來已經一塌糊塗。

儘管春季氣候溫和,並且有一片厚厚的灰色天空提供了有利的降雪條件,但我們花了將近五個小時的時間在奇奇克利克平原的積雪和向東緩緩傾斜的山谷,直到柯爾克孜Tar-Bashi營地,低約3000英尺。我可以很好地認識到在海拔15,000英尺高的那個淒涼的高原時期,在其他時間的審判,我回想起本篤十六世在1603年從他的旅程中穿越這條路線的本篤十三世印度尋找傳說中的國泰。在穿過帕米爾之後,他和那個他為了安全而附屬於自己的商人的大卡菲拉在薩爾西爾省的小村莊里,即薩里科爾,停了兩天休息馬。然後再過兩天,他們到達了山腳Ciecialilh(即Chichiklik)。它被深雪覆蓋著,在上升的過程中,許多人被凍死,我們的兄弟幾乎沒有逃脫,因為他們在這里共有六天的雪。最後他們到達了屬於卡斯卡王國(喀什)的Tanghetar(Tangi-tar)。在這裡,亞述人艾薩克從一條大河的河岸上掉下來,躺在那裡,躺了八個小時,直到本篤的努力終於把他帶到了那裡。十五天后,他們到達伊科尼奇鎮(雅卡阿里克),道路十分糟糕,我們兄弟的六匹馬因疲勞而死亡。經過五天,我們的本尼迪克特先前自己進入了名為Hiarchan(Yarkand)的首都,並派遣馬匹為他的同伴們提供必需品。因此,他們也於1603年11月在首都帶著行李和包裹抵達不久。

我引用了這位虔誠的旅行者的經歷的全部記錄,因為它不僅僅是一個生動的評論,反映了玄's的故事中所反映的奇奇克里克高原的恐懼,而且還有助於確切地確定奇怪事件的發生地點與他自己的傳記有關。從Goëz的筆記中提到的地方可以肯定的是,他所遵循的路線與目前主要的大篷車軌道相同,該軌道從Chichiklik高原通過Tar-Bashi下行,在Chihil-gumbaz向東行駛兩次,從路線分岔導致喀什。 Tangi-tar,意思是Goëz明確提到的“狹窄的峽谷”,這個名字是由這個深深難懂的窪地所承載的,通過這個窪地,Tar-Bashi山谷的水域流向了它們在Toile-與來自陰布拉克,揚尼 - 達萬和Tor-art Passes的溪流相結合(見地圖3號)。這條路線進入它位於Tar-bâshi的Kirghiz放牧場下面約兩英里的地方,超過兩英里以外的地方躺在河床之間的高聳的岩壁之間,這些岩壁在懸空的地方(圖29)。由於來自融雪的洪水完全填滿了峽谷,在夏季,當Chichiklik的通道被轉移到Yangi-dawan或Yam-bulak通行證時,通過它的路線變得不切實際。特別晚的春天讓我在6月5日經過Tangi-tar路線;但即使如此,拋光水和大塊滑石的深潭也不斷在幾乎垂直的石灰石峭壁之間穿過,使得通道非常艱難,並且對行李造成危險。

當高茲的努力嘗試的大篷車在1603年的9月或10月下降到這裡時,情況一定是一樣的。我當場可以很好地理解事故的嚴重性,在這裡他的忠實伴侶艾薩克是亞美尼亞人。但是,對於我來說,一次冒險的記憶遠遠超過了一個更為著名的旅行者,而這個旅程正在阻止這段過境。 Hsüan-tsang的傳記講述了“法律大師”在第五天從Chieh-p`an-t'o或Tash-kurghân向東北方向旅行時遇到了一群強盜。伴隨著他的交易員被恐懼抓住,爬上山脈的兩側。幾個頑強追求的大象落入水中並消亡。劫匪逃走後,孫-緩慢地向商人走去,向東昇高,冒著嚴寒,繼續行程千里之外。這樣覆蓋了八百里之後,他從崇陵山中走了出來,到達了烏沙王國。現在,從塔什古爾汗到遭遇襲擊的地點所經過的時間以及該地點的一般描述都清楚地指向了奇奇克利克以東一些骯髒的地方,而且肯定沒有人提供這種利用的相同自然設施作為Tangi焦油峽谷。正如一位有能力的觀察員指出的那樣,“有幾個有決心的人可能會在某個地方為一個軍隊辯護”。在繼續旅程中所經歷的嚴重感冒的提及也很重要。我們知道那個朝聖者在短暫的夏天穿越了帕米爾,並且在Sarikol度過了整整二十天的時間。因此,他很可能在秋季在Chichiklik和Wu-sha和Kâshgar上方前進。在那個季節,在路線上遇到的溪流中除了Tangi焦油溪外,沒有任何一條河流可能會持有足夠的水以證明對大像有危險,由於岩石床的極端封閉性質,甚至可以保留深層的水池冬天時。

Tangi-tar峽谷一直被認為是特別暴露於襲擊路線的一部分,被廢棄的觀測塔顯示出來,該觀測塔位於峽谷的下端,後者連接來自陰布拉克的山谷和Yangi-dawan經過更遠的北部。我的當地知情人士把它的建設歸功於Kirghiz在相鄰山谷放牧的頭人Ibrahim Beg的祖先。但更大的考古興趣是我發現的早期使用Tangi-tar路線的一個證據,這條路線位於峽谷的一個非常狹窄的地點,距離其上端約半英里(圖29)。在那裡,兩邊的岩壁上有七條切割好的洞,大約六英寸深,八英寸寬,正方形或圓形,這無疑是為了插入橫梁。放置在這些地方的橋或平台必定能夠讓旅客及其動物在一個特別尷尬的地方渡過滑溜半沉沒的巨石。這些洞中的工作非常謹慎和整潔,顯然是古老的。

在古代的Kholan,我已經完全解釋了讓我相信的原因,Hsüantsang的受到Sarikol控制的Wu-sha地區包括Yârkand和Yangi-Hisar,並且Chichiklik高原經過朝聖者之後的路線他首先到揚尼H伊薩爾,然後再到嘉莎或喀什。在6月8日我通過我的個人敘述的第九章介紹過的伊吉斯和楊伊 - 赫薩爾之後,我在6月8日對卡加爾進行的快速遊行中,我可能會認為,在我跟隨我的'中國贊助人 - 聖人“的軌道,儘管這沒有提供新的古物觀察的空間​​。

照片: Above under English version.

May 8, 2017

附錄 APPENDIX - Report by M.A. Stein (斯坦因) 1907

Marc Aurel Stein: “1907. Ancient Khotan: Detailed Report of Archaeological Explorations in Chinese Turkestan, 2 vols. Clarendon Press, Oxford.” - Digitized version

CHAPTER II -- SARIKOL AND THE ROUTE TO KASHGAR

Section I -- THE GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION AND ETHNOGRAPHY OF SARIKOL

Meeting of ethnic areas near Kilik Pass
The great alpine valley of the Taghdumbash Pamir, to which I crossed on the 29th of June. 1900, over the Kilik Pass (15,800 feet above the sea, Fig. 8), was certain to prove interesting ground from more than one point of view. At its head I was close to the point where the drainage areas of the three great river systems of the Indus, the Oxus, and the Tarim meet, the representatives as it were of the still greater ethnic areas of India, Iran, and Turkestan. That the view from the height of the Khushbel Peak, my first survey station, simultaneously comprised the confines of British India, Afghanistan, Russia, and China, was the best illustration of the abiding influence which geographical facts must exercise over political developments even in this desolate region. The wide expanse of level or easily undulating grazing land which the same view disclosed at the bottom of the Taghdumbash Valley, formed a striking contrast to the rocky and almost impassable gorges of Hunza, and could not fail to impress me at the outset with the advantages for communication which the Pamirs offer, notwithstanding their elevation and severe climate. But it was only in the light of subsequent observations, gathered on my marches along the whole length of the Taghdumbash Pamir from the Wakhjir Pass and the Oxus source down to Tash-kurghan, that I fully realized the historical interest of the route which leads through this valley.

Position of Taghdumbash Pamir
In order to explain the importance which may be claimed for the Taghdumbash Pamir as an early line of communication between Chinese Turkestan and the Oxus Valley, it is not necessary to consider the historical topography of the whole Pamir region. Lord Curzon, in his justly famous memoir on 'The Pamirs and the source of the Oxus', has furnished a lucid and critical summary of that much-discussed subject, and to it the reader may be referred with confidence for information on all general questions. An important geographical fact, aptly recognized in Lord Curzon's analysis, helps to limit the scope of our inquiry. The Taghdumbash Pamir, though it shares the designation and also, in its upper portion, the main physical characteristics of the other Pamirs, lies in a different watershed from the rest, and is thus plainly marked as part of a different system. We find this physical division emphasized at the present day by the political boundaries, which leave the Taghdumbash the only Pamir under Chinese jurisdiction, and we may safely attribute to it a determining influence upon the earlier historical conditions of this mountain tract.

Importance of Taghdumbash route
While all the other Pamirs are situated within the drainage area of the Oxus, the waters of the Taghdumbash Pamir discharge themselves eastwards into the great Turkestan Basin. The river of which they are the main feeders, and which takes its best known name from Tash-kurghan, the chief place it passes, breaks through the great meridional range flanking the Pamirs on the east, and ultimately joins the Yarkand river or Zarafshan. The collection of valleys which the river of Tash-kurghan drains, together with some minor alpine tracts adjoining them towards the Upper Yarkand river, constitutes the well-defined mountain district now known as Sarlkol. Topographical facts and historical evidence alike prove that the position occupied by the present fort of Tash-kurghan and its neighbouring villages has from very early times been the political centre of this whole territory. At Tash-kurghan ends the open valley of the Taghdumbash Pamir, and the importance of the latter as a route is mainly due to the exceptionally easy access it provides to the central tract of Sarlkol, over more than a hundred miles' distance. In view of this close connexion, it will be well to begin with a review of the main data which throw light on the ancient topography of Sarlkol as a whole.

Importance of Sankol
Small in extent, and devoid of natural resources, the territory of Sarlkol derives its importance Importance solely from the advantages of its position with regard to the routes which from early times have connected the Upper Oxus Valley with the oases to the south of the Turkestan Desert, and hence with China. All the routes leading from the Oxus in that direction, whether they ascend through Roshan, Shighnan, or Wakhan, have to cross the water-parting on the east of the Pamirs, and subsequently to surmount the still more elevated meridional range culminating in the MuztaghAta Peaks, which forms the link between the T'ien-shan system in the north, and the extreme points of the Hindukush and Kun-lun in the south. The chief valleys of Sarlkol extend between this meridional range and the watershed which fences in the true Pamirs on the eastern side. To this position they owe their relatively great width and also their prevailing direction, the valley of the Taghdumbash descending mainly from south to north and that of Tagharma from north to south. Every route that crosses the Pamir watershed to the south of the Muztagh-Ata massif, is compelled to debouch at one point or the other into either of these great valleys; in the opposite direction the same holds good of all the routes that lead from the drainage area of the Yarkand river westwards into the Oxus Basin. The Taghdumbash and Tagharma Valleys meet at the point where the Tash-kurghan river takes its sudden turn to the east; and Tash-kurghan, only some eight miles further south, is the place towards which all the above routes, whether from east or west, naturally converge.

Routes through Tashkurghan
It is easy to show that this centre of the Sarlkol District must at all times have been an important goal for travellers. From whichever side we may approach Sarikol, there is an inhospitable belt of high mountain land to be crossed first, practically devoid of permanent habitations, and throughout incapable of furnishing supplies and places of shelter to caravans. The elevated Pamir region stretching westwards can never, during historical times, have permitted of cultivation. The routes which, starting from Tagharma, connect Sarikol with Kashgar to the north-east and Yarkand to the east, lead by a succession of high passes over barren spurs of the great meridional range with narrow uninhabited gorges between them. It is true, that the difficult and rarely frequented tracts which cross the mountains between the Tash-kurghan and Yarkand rivers in the direction of Karghalik and Kok-yar, pass through some of the minor Sarikol! settlements. But the produce raised on their isolated plots of cultivable land does not suffice even for the maintenance of the small pastoral population scattered over this region. Finally, if the route be followed which leads northward past Muztagh-Ata and then descends along the Yaman-yar river into the Kashgar plain, as described in my Personal Narrative, an even greater distance has to be traversed before permanent habitations are reached.

Resources of SarikoL
This situation of Sarikol, in the midst of desolate mountain tracts and yet at the junction of important routes, necessarily invests with exceptional value whatever natural resources the district possesses. Given an adequate population, and an administration capable of protecting it, these resources would, undoubtedly, be far larger than they are at present. The lower part of the Taghdumbash Valley, for a distance of forty miles from below Tash-kurghan to the hamlet of Dafdar, shows a remarkably broad and uniform expanse of fertile ground at its bottom. Cultivation is now restricted to a small continuous stretch of the valley above and below Tash-kurghan, and to certain isolated settlements, such as Dafdar and Pisling, recently started at points higher up the valley where it is easy to obtain water for irrigation from side streams.

Earlier settlements in Tashkurghan Valley
But the uniform tradition of the inhabitants, as reported to me during my stay at Tashkurghan, asserts that the compact cultivated area once extended much higher up the valley. In support of this belief, reference was made to the remains of extensive irrigation canals traceable along the foot of the mountains, especially on the east side of the valley, as well as to deserted village sites, such as Bazar-dasht, found at a considerable distance beyond the limits of the present belt of village land. I believe that these statements may be accepted as based on substantial facts. On the one hand, the almost unbroken stretch of alluvial land which I passed on my route from Dafdar to Tughlan-shahr, seemed only to wait for systematic irrigation in order to yield the crops for which the climate is adapted. On the other hand, it is impossible to doubt that the periodical raids from slave-hunting Kanjutis and Shighnls, to which we know Sarikol to have been subjected before and after Yaqub Beg's rebellion, and which did not cease completely until the British occupation of Hunza, must have resulted in a partial depopulation of the country.


From the devastating effects of these raids, the upper portions of the Taghdumbash Valley, lying nearest, necessarily suffered most. But they extended also to the Tagharma Valley, which, in its well-watered central flat, about twelve miles long by seven broad, offers ample ground for agricultural settlements.

It is difficult to judge now, when the whole tract is slowly recovering from the results of long-continued aggression, what its population and resources may have been during periods when the support of a strong paramount power, established in Eastern Turkestan, assured to Sarlkol safety from its predatory neighbours to the west and south. The political value of this hill tract as an advanced post guarding the frontier towards Badakhshan, Gilgit, and the Pamirs was, as we shall see, realized early by the Chinese. But far more than the spasmodic assertion of sovereignty, which, as far as the Chinese administration was concerned, is likely to have been often purely nominal, the racial tenacity of the inhabitants themselves must have helped to preserve to the little alpine chiefship its continued existence and historical individuality.

Ethnic affinity of Sarikolis
The population of Sarikol, apart from the nomadic Kirghiz herdsmen who visit its grazing Ethnic grounds, consists of hill Tajiks, who by physical appearance and language alike are unmistakably s^ikolisf proved to belong to the so-called Galcha stock. The Sarikoll tongue, first recorded by the late Mr. R. Shaw with his usual accuracy and care, is very closely allied to Wakhi, the language of VVakhan, of which it may be said to represent a mere dialect. The Sarikolis whom I saw showed all the racial characteristics of the Iranian 'Tajiks' who form the bulk of the population in the Oxus region, and the knowledge of Persian common among all classes indicates the influence exercised by the culture of Iran even in these distant valleys. To the prevalence of Iranian traditional lore in the local legends I shall have occasion to refer later. The antiquity of these legends, as attested by Hsiian-tsang, the Iranian elements in the local nomenclature, as well as the absence of any historical tradition to the contrary, render it highly probable that the population of Sarikol has from early times borne the same ethnic character as at present.

Ethnic individuality of Sarikol
The geographical position of Sarikol is such that it could never have lain on the route Ethnic inof one of those great waves of invasion which from time to time have swept across the more jj[v^"jk0{ accessible parts of Central Asia, and in their progress have radically changed the ethnology of those regions. Sarikol, with its severe climate10—the elevation of the main valleys sinks nowhere below 10,000 ft.—and its limited area of productive land, could not possibly attract occupation and settlement by a powerful invader. The predatory inroads to which the main valleys were exposed, during recurring periods, from the petty hill-states to the south and west, no doubt subjected the more peaceable population of Sarikol to great vicissitudes. But considering the passing character of these raids, and the ready shelter offered by the many secluded sidevalleys, they were not likely to threaten it with extermination. Experience in any case shows that the Sarikoll settlements during recent times have recovered from severe trials of this kind, including even a forcible transportation of the greater part of the population to Kashgar, which occurred during Yaqub Beg's rule. It is manifest that this small Iranian community, placed in such close proximity to a great Turkl-speaking population, and sharing its political fortunes, could not have preserved its language and racial characteristics intact without the isolating effect of its mountains and that tenacious attachment to inherited lore which is peculiar to hill people.

Early extension of Gakhastock eastwards
The hillmen of Sarikol at the present day form the extreme outpost of Iranian nationality towards tne east. But if we may judge from several important indications, settlements of an Iranian-speaking race must in ancient days have extended much further eastwards, especially in the direction of Khotan. The documents in Brahmt script which my excavations brought to light from the ruined temples of the Dandan-Uiliq site, and which, with other records of the same character previously obtained from the same locality, have been partly deciphered by Dr. Hoernle, make it appear highly probable that the language spoken in the eighth century by the indigenous population of Khotan was of Iranian origin. On the other hand, the anthropometric data collected by me in the Khotan region, according to the careful analysis made of them by Mr. A. T. Joyce, in independence of any historical or linguistic arguments, plainly mark in the Khotanese population of to-day the prevalence of a racial element closely related to the hill-tribes generally designated as Galchas, who are settled in the highlands of the Oxus and Zarafshan.

Connexion with ancient population of Khotan
The ethnographical importance of these observations is confirmed by the statement of the Chinese historical record to be discussed below, dating back to the period of the T'ang dynasty's of Khotan. rule over Eastern Turkestan (7th to 8th century A. D.), which describes the external appearance and language of the people of Sarikol as identical with that of the Khotanese. In view of this convergence of linguistic, anthropological, and historical proofs, we can scarcely avoid the conclusion that the modern Sarlkolis represent but the remnant of a larger Galcha population which once spread as far as the territory of Khotan, but further east has since undergone considerable racial amalgamation and abandoned its language for Turki. The great difference in geographical position, and consequently in accessibility between the valleys of Sarikol and the oases of the plain of the northern foot of the Kun-lun range would amply account for the thoroughness with which this transformation has proceeded in the latter region.

The Pakhpo tribe
Finally, it may be pointed out in passing that an ethnic link between the Iranian Sarlkolis and the present population of those oases is, perhaps, to be found in the small and little known hill-tribe of the Pakhpos, who partly as herdsmen, partly as cultivators, dwell in the narrow valleys near the headwaters of the Tiznaf and Yarkand rivers. Dr. Bellew, to whom we owe what scanty information has so far been recorded about this curious people, describes them as of 'pronounced Caucasian features' and very fair. He was much struck by the difference of their physical type from that of other races he had come into contact with in Eastern Turkestan. He notes that the few Pakhpos whom he met and was able to examine, denied having any language of their own apart from Turki; but he remarks also upon the extreme shyness of these hillmen, which 'led them to conceal all information regarding themselves'. I myself was unable to proceed near enough to their hills, south of Karghalik, to obtain an opportunity of meeting Pakhpos. But during my short stay at Karghalik, Daud Beg, a local official, who had for some years held charge of the tract they mainly inhabit, distinctly told me that, though all Pakhpos know Turki, and though its use is extending owing to frequent intermarriages with people of the Karghalik oasis, another language is talked by them among themselves which is understood by Sarikolls, and is apparently a dialect of the latter's tongue. If this information should prove to be correct, our presumption in favour of the Pakhpos being another remnant of a Galcha population, formerly more widely spread, would become an established fact.

Section II -- EARLY CHINESE ACCOUNTS OF SARIKOL

The important position occupied by Sarlkol in respect of the routes leading across the Pamir region accounts for the ample information to be gathered from early Chinese records regarding its historical topography. The narrative of the pilgrim Hsiian-tsang, who on his return journey from India to China traversed Sarlkol, supplies most of the details. It was in his itineraries that the old name of this mountain chiefship, which the Chinese transcriptions variously render as Chieh-p'an-t'o, Han-p'an-t'o, &c, was first correctly identified by General A. Cunningham. But for a systematic review of all available data we shall find it convenient to take as a basis the official description of the territory which the T'ang Annals furnish, and which has now become accessible in M. Chavannes' translation.

Latter part of Section II not re-posted here.

Below is from Google Translate: 以下是Google翻譯 - May not translated correctly.

第二章 - SARIKOL和通往喀山的路線

第一部分 - SARIKOL的地理位置和人口

Kilik Pass附近的民族地區會議
在六月二十九日,我渡過了Taghdumbash Pamir的一個偉大的高山峽谷。 1900年,通過Kilik通道(海拔15,800英尺,圖8),肯定會從多個角度證明有趣的地方。在我的頭上,我接近了印度河,奧克蘇斯和塔里木三大河流系統的排水區,印度,伊朗和土耳其斯坦這些更大的民族地區的代表。從我的第一個調查站Khushbel峰的高處看來,同時包含英國印度,阿富汗,俄羅斯和中國的邊界,這是對地理事實必須對政治發展持續施加影響的最好例證,即使在這種情況下荒涼的地區。在塔格杜巴什山谷底部公開的相同景觀的廣闊水平或易起伏的放牧土地與罕扎岩石而幾乎無法通行的峽谷形成了鮮明的對比,並且不可能一開始就給我留下了優勢儘管帕米爾高原和嚴峻的氣候,但仍然提供帕米爾的交流。但是,僅僅根據後來的觀察,我沿著瓦赫吉爾山口的塔格杜姆巴什帕米爾的整個長度以及奧庫斯的源頭,直到塔什古爾漢,都聚集在這裡,我完全意識到了通過這條路線的歷史興趣這個山谷。

Taghdumbash帕米爾的位置
為了解釋塔格杜巴什帕米爾作為中國土耳其斯坦和奧庫斯河谷早期交流的重要性,沒有必要考慮整個帕米爾地區的歷史地形。寇松勳爵在他著名的“帕米爾人和奧克蘇斯的源泉”的回憶錄中,對這個討論得很多的話題提供了一個清晰和批判的總結,讀者可以放心地參考了解所有普通人的信息的問題。在寇松勳爵的分析中恰當地認可了一個重要的地理事實,這有助於限制我們調查的範圍。塔格杜巴什帕米爾儘管分享了它的名稱,並且在其上部也是其他帕米爾高原的主要物理特徵,但與其他帕米爾的分水嶺不同,因此明顯標記為不同系統的一部分。我們發現這種肉體分裂現在強調的是政治邊界,這使得塔格杜巴什成為中國管轄範圍內唯一的帕米爾,我們可以安全地歸因於它對這個山區早期歷史條件的決定性影響。

Taghdumbash路線的重要性
雖然所有其他帕米爾高原位於奧克蘇斯的流域內,但塔格杜巴什帕米爾的水域向東流入大土耳其斯坦盆地。 它們是主要的進食河,它以其最為人所知的名字來自它所經過的主要地點 - 塔什庫爾漢,它突破了東部帕米爾高原兩側的巨大經向范圍,最終加入了葉爾羌河或扎拉山。 Tash-kurghan河流域匯集的山谷以及與其毗鄰的上游葉爾羌河的一些小高山區域構成了現在被稱為Sarlkol的明確山區。地形事實和歷史證據都證明,塔什古爾赫城堡及其附近村莊所佔據的地位早已成為整個領土的政治中心。在Tash-kurghan結束了Taghdumbash帕米爾山脈的開闊的山谷,後者作為一條路線的重要性主要歸功於它向薩爾科爾中心區提供的超過一百英里的距離。鑑於這種密切聯繫,最好先回顧一下總體上敘述Sarlkol古代地形的主要數據。

SankoL的重要性
Sarlkol領土面積小而且缺乏自然資源,其重要性僅在於其優勢在於從早期將上奧古斯河谷與綠洲連接到土耳其斯坦南部的路線,並因此與中國。所有從Oxus通往這個方向的路線,無論是通過Roshan,Shighnan還是Wakhan登高,都必須穿越帕米爾東部的分水道,然後才能跨越更高的經向范圍,最終形成MuztaghAta形成了北部天山系統與南部Hindukush和Kun-lun極端點之間的聯繫的山峰。薩爾科爾的主要山谷延伸到這個經向范圍和東側真正帕米爾高地的分水嶺之間。在這個位置,他們欠他們相對較大的寬度,也是他們盛行的方向,Taghdumbash谷主要從南到北和從塔到南從Tagharma。每條穿越帕米爾分水嶺到達Muztagh-Ata山脈南部的路線,都被迫在某一點或另一個地方進入這兩個偉大的山谷;在相反的方向上,所有從葉爾羌河流域向西進入奧克蘇斯盆地的路線都是一樣的。 Taghdumbash和Tagharma山谷在Tash-kurghan河突然轉向東部的地方相遇;而距離南方僅八英里的Tash-kurghan則是所有上述路線(無論是東方還是西方)自然會聚的地方。

通過Tashkurghan路線
很容易證明,Sarlkol區的這個中心一直都是旅客的重要目標。無論從哪一方面來看,我們都可以接近Sarikol,那裡有一片荒涼的高山地帶首先穿越,幾乎沒有永久居住地,而且無法為商隊提供物資和避難場所。向西延伸的帕米爾高原地區在歷史時期絕不允許種植。從Tagharma開始,將Sarikol與東北與Yarkand連接在一起的Sarikol路線,由一系列高速經過,沿著大的經向范圍的無力馬刺,在它們之間狹窄的無人居住的峽谷。確實,在卡爾加哈利克和科爾雅爾方向塔什庫爾汗河和葉爾坎河之間的山間穿越山區的困難且很少有人經過的道路穿過了一些小薩里科爾!定居點。但是,即使是分散在這個地區的小牧民,養育在他們孤立的可耕種土地上的農作物也不足夠。最後,如我的個人敘述所述,如果遵循的路線經過Muztagh-Ata,然後沿Yaman-yar河流入喀什平原,那麼在達到永久居住地之前,必須經過更遠的距離。

Sarikol的資源
Sarikol的這種情況,在荒涼的山區中,然而在重要路線的交界處,必然投資具有特殊的價值,無論該地區擁有哪些自然資源。由於人口充足,並且有一個能夠保護它的行政機構,這些資源無疑將遠遠大於目前的資源。塔格杜姆巴什山谷的下部距離塔什古爾罕以及達夫達爾小鎮四十英里的距離,在其底部顯示出一片寬闊而均勻的肥沃土地。目前,耕作僅限於Tash-kurghan上方和下方的一小段連綿不斷的谷地,以及某些孤立的定居點,如Dafdar和Pisling,最近開始於山谷較高的地方,在那裡很容易從側面獲得灌溉用水流。

早些時候在Tashkurghan谷定居
但是,在我入住塔什庫爾漢期間向我報告的居民的統一傳統聲稱,緊湊的耕地面積一度延伸到山谷的高度。為了支持這一信念,人們提到了可追溯到山腳下的廣泛灌溉渠的遺骸,尤其是在山谷的東側,以及在Bazar-dasht等荒蕪的村莊遺址相當大的距離超出了現有村莊土地的範圍。我相信這些陳述可以基於大量事實而被接受。一方面,我從Dafdar到Tughlan-shahr的路上經過的幾乎不間斷的沖積土地,似乎只是等待有系統的灌溉才能生產適應氣候的作物。另一方面,我們不可能懷疑,我們知道Sarikol在Yaqub Beg的叛亂之前和之後所遭受的獵奴Kanjutis和Shighnls的定期襲擊,並且直到英國人佔領Hunza才完全停止,必然導致該國部分人口減少。

從這些突襲造成的破壞性影響來看,最靠近的Taghdumbash谷的上部必然遭遇最多。但他們也延伸到塔格瑪谷,它在其水量充足的中央公寓裡,由七座寬闊的大約十二英里長的土地為農業定居點提供了充足的土地。

現在很難判斷,當整個道路從長期持續侵略的結果中慢慢恢復時,在東突厥斯坦確立的強大的最高權力的支持期間,它的人口和資源可能已經向Sarlkol從其掠奪性的鄰居到西部和南部的安全。正如我們將看到的,這條山道作為一個守衛邊界走向巴達赫尚,吉爾吉特和帕米爾的先進軍隊的政治價值,早就被中國人認識到了。但是,就中國政府而言,主權的痙攣主張可能遠不止是名義上的,居民本身的種族頑強必定有助於維持小阿爾卑斯的主要地位繼續存在和歷史個性。

Sarikolis的種族親和力
薩里科爾的居民,除了參觀其放牧民族理由的游牧的吉爾吉斯牧民外,還包括山丘塔吉克人,他們通過外表和語言都毫無疑問地證明了屬於所謂的加察股票。 Sarikoll舌頭由已故的R. Shaw先生以其一貫的準確性和關懷首次記錄,與VVakhan的語言Wakhi非常接近,可以說它代表了一種單純的方言。我看到的薩里克利斯顯示了構成奧克蘇斯地區大部分人口的伊朗“塔吉克人”的所有種族特徵,並且所有階級的波斯人共同知識表明伊朗文化在這些遙遠的地區所施加的影響山谷。對於當地傳說中伊朗傳統傳說的流行,我將有機會稍後提及。這些傳說的古代,正如西安倉證明的那樣,伊朗在地方命名法中的元素,以及沒有任何歷史傳統相反,這使得Sarikol的人口從早期就承載了相同的可能性民族性格作為目前。

Sarikol的族裔個性
薩里科爾的地理位置是這樣的,它永遠不可能在路線上停留在民族之內,這些巨大的入侵波中不時有橫掃更多的中亞地區和中亞地區他們的進步已經從根本上改變了這些地區的民族學,Sarikol以其嚴酷的氣候10--主要山谷的高度下降到10000英尺以下 - 而且它的有限的生產性土地面積不可能通過強大的入侵者吸引佔領和解決主要山谷在經常性的時期從小山丘到南部和西部暴露在其中,無疑讓更加和平的Sarikol人口遭受巨大的變遷,但考慮到這些襲擊的傳遞特性,以及許多僻靜的側翼所提供的便利庇護所,他們不可能用滅絕來威脅它。任何情況下的經驗都表明Sarikoll在最近的t伊姆已經從這種嚴峻的審判中恢復過來,甚至包括在Yaqub Beg的統治期間發生的大部分人口被迫遷往喀什。顯然,這個與說土耳其語的人口非常接近並且分享它的政治命運的伊朗小社區如果沒有其山脈的孤立效應,就不能保持其語言和種族特徵,繼承了山人特有的傳說。

Gakhastock向東延伸
薩里科爾的山民現在形成了伊朗國籍朝東的極端前哨。但是,如果我們可以從幾個重要的跡象來判斷,那麼在古代,說伊朗的種族定居點就會向東延伸得更遠,特別是朝和田方向。我的發掘在丹丹 - 尤利克遺址被破壞的寺廟中發現的布拉姆特劇本中的文獻,以及之前從同一地區獲得的其他同一性質記錄,已被赫恩勒博士部分破譯,使其成為很可能是由於和田土著居民在公元8世紀所說的語言是伊朗人的起源。另一方面,根據喬伊斯先生對他們所作的仔細分析,我所收集的和田地區的人體測量數據在任何歷史或語言論證中都是獨立的,顯然標誌著今日的K人口群體一種與山區部落密切相關的種族元素的普遍性,這些山部落一般被稱為Galchas,他們定居在Oxus和Zarafshan的高地。

與古代人民和睦相連
這些觀察的民族意義得到了中國歷史記錄的證實,這個記錄將在下面討論,可以追溯到唐代的和田時期。統治東突厥斯坦(第七至第八世紀A.D.),其中描述了Sarikol人的外貌和語言與Khotanese的相同。鑑於語言學,人類學和歷史證據的這種趨同,我們幾乎無法避免這樣一個結論,即現代的薩爾科列斯代表的是一個更大的加爾查人的遺體,這個人一度擴散到和田的領土,但進一步向東經過了相當大的種族融合併放棄了Turki的語言。在Sarikol山谷與崑崙山脈北麓平原的綠洲之間的地理位置上的巨大差異將充分說明這一轉變在後一地區的徹底性。

Pakhpo部落
最後,可以順便指出,伊朗薩爾柯里斯與當前這些綠洲的人口之間的種族聯繫也許可以在Pakhpos的一個知名的小山部落找到,部分牧民部分是牧民作為耕種者,居住在Tiznaf河和Yarkand河源頭附近的狹窄山谷中。 Bellew博士,我們欠他們迄今為止已經記錄的關於這個好奇的人的少量信息,將它們描述為“明顯的高加索特徵”並且非常公平。他的身體類型與他在東突厥斯坦接觸過的其他種族的差異令他感到震驚。他指出,他遇到並能夠檢查的少數Pakhpos否認有除Turki以外的任何他們自己的語言;但他也表達了這些山人極度羞怯的態度,這導致他們隱瞞了所有關於他們自己的信息。我本人無法接近Karghalik以南的山丘,以獲得與Pakhpos會面的機會。但在Karghalik短暫停留期間,當地官員Daud Beg多年來一直負責他們主要居住的地區,明確地告訴我說,雖然所有Pakhpos都知道Turki,儘管由於頻繁的異族交往而延長了使用期限與Karghalik綠洲的人們一起,Sarikolls所理解的另一種語言是他們自己說話的,顯然是後者的舌頭的一種方言。如果這些信息應該被證明是正確的,那麼我們推測Pakhpos成為另一個以前更廣泛傳播的Galcha居民的遺跡將成為一個確定的事實。

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